La Experiencia Socialista en Chile (Parte I): Tres años antes

Para comprender la gran crisis que se genero en Chile a principios de los años 1970 y que culmino con la intervención militar encabezada por el General Augusto Pinochet y el suicidio de Salvador Allende, es necesario conocer los hechos que antecedieron esta etapa de nuestra historia.

En Septiembre de 1973, Salvador Allende murió. Tres años antes era elegido Presidente de Chile, luego de cuatro intentos.

En 1952 sufrió una amplia derrota en contra de Carlos Ibañez. En 1958 casi lo consiguió y estuvo apenas a 33.000 votos de la victoria. En 1964 Eduardo Frei Montalva lo derroto por 432.000 votos.

                                 

Por eso, en la campaña de 1970 hubo muchos escépticos, desconfiaban en la misma izquierda, no estaban seguros si seria capaz de ganar en otro intento por llegar a la presidencia.

Finalmente y con la condición que gobernara junto a los jefes de partidos de la unidad popular, los partidos de izquierda apoyaron su candidatura. Seria un mandatario sin autonomía de mando.

Sus oponentes en 1970, eran el ex presidente Jorge Alessandri, representando al sector de la derecha, aunque él personalmente rechazaba que lo tildaran de derechista o conservador, prefería que lo asociaran con la eficiencia y la exactitud. En la campaña se destacarían sus rasgos de austeridad, hacia quince años que vivía solo en un antiguo edificio cercano a la Plaza de Armas de Santiago. Lo que podia jugarle en contra seria su avanzada edad, ya que entraría a La Moneda a los 78 años.

El otro rival era Radomiro Tomic, abanderado de la Democracia Cristiana. Su slogan era "ni un paso atrás" en las conquistas logradas con Frei, Presidente en esos días. Con dos candidatos tan opuestos como Alessandri y Allende, el electorado fue polarizándose. Tomic ofrecía un programa similar al de Allende aunque advertía que se harían los cambios en libertad y democracia.

Allende fue un candidato hábil, nunca se presento como marxista, que de triunfar implantaría el marxismo y la dictadura del proletariado. Y la noche del triunfo repetiría: Mi gobierno no sera un gobierno comunista, ni socialista, ni radical; sera el gobierno de las fuerzas que componen la Unidad Popular..."

El programa de Allende constaba de dos partes, una eran "Las Primeras 40 Medidas". Cuarenta promesas que ofrecía al pueblo: Medio litro de leche para cada niño, los escolares veranearían en la casa presidencial de Viña del Mar, los libros y utiles escolares serian gratuitos, nadie pagaría en los hospitales, las viviendas que no fuesen mansiones estarían exentas de contribuciones, todas las personas mayores de 60 años tendrían jubilación aunque no tuviesen prevision social. La historia demostraría que muchas de esas promesas son difíciles de cumplir, pero el nivel educacional de gran parte de los chilenos de esos tiempos, era bastante precario.

Otras medidas contemplaban la nacionalización de la gran minería del cobre y del hierro, los bancos, la compañía de teléfonos, el comercio exterior, las grandes empresas monopólicas. Las enumeraba serian 45. Pero advertía: "Todas estas expropiaciones se harán siempre con pleno resguardo del pequeño accionista; no vamos a despojar a nadie".

Allende en lo humano convencía: "En treinta y dos años de politico me han dicho de todo, menos que he robado o que soy homosexual".

Allende y su relación con el Partido Comunista

Respecto a que el Partido Comunista pudiera dominarlo se recordaban sus viejas disputas con la colectividad. En 1948 comentaba ante el Senado, que los socialistas chilenos que reconocían muchos de los logros de la Rusia Soviética, rechazaban su organización política y muchas leyes que coartaban las libertades individuales... En verdad desde esos tiempos el Partido Socialista se había ido inclinando hacia la extrema izquierda.

El triunfo de un Allende que se declarase marxista, pero que afirmara que haría un gobierno democrático podia ser aceptado por un chileno mas bien tolerante.

El Diario Ilustrado (de tendencia conservadora) publicaba antes de las elecciones: "Es indudable que no queremos para Chile lo que el Frente Popular trajo a España: templos incendiados, conventos profanados, religiosas violadas".

Con ese clima se desarrollaron las elecciones presidenciales del 4 de Septiembre de 1970.

Allende triunfó en las urnas con 1.075.616 votos (el 36,3%). Segundo, resulto Jorge Alessandri con 1.036.278 votos (34,9%) y tercero, Tomic con 824.849 votos (27,8%).

Allende era virtual ganador aunque con una estrechísima primera mayoría relativa. Le ganaba a Alessandri por apenas 39.000 votos (el 1,4%).

El resultado revelaba también que casi los 2/3 del electorado rechazaba una alternativa marxista. Los que votaron por Alessandri y por Tomic (2 de cada 3 chilenos) creían en la democracia.

El proceso electoral todavía no había terminado la Constitución chilena establecía que quedaba ungido como Presidente electo el ciudadano que obtuviera la mitad +1 de los votos. A Allende le faltaba muchísimo: 400.000 votos (el 15,2 %).

Cuando no existe tal mayoría, la Constitución indica el camino: el Congreso pleno (50 Senadores y 150 diputados) tendrá que elegir entre las dos primeras mayorías. En este caso, tenía que ser entre Allende y Alessandri.

Ambos ante el Congreso pleno llegaban en igualdad de condiciones. La Democracia Cristiana durante la campaña electoral había propuesto crear la segunda vuelta, como en Francia. De este modo el Presidente elegido representaría a las grandes mayorías. Sin embargo ni los partidarios de Alessandri ni los de Allende aceptaron esa iniciativa. 

Jorge Alessandri Rodriguez - Presidente de Chile (1958-1964)

De ahí que quedara sobre el Congreso la trascendental responsabilidad de dirimir el pleito. 

Existía una tradición que para los chilenos pesaba mucho. Hasta entonces siempre el Congreso pleno había respetado la primera mayoría. Incluso durante la campaña los tres candidatos repitieron "el que gane por un voto será el presidente". 

Ahora venía el dramático dilema. Los que votaron por Alessandri argumentaron: es cierto que existe esa traición pero fue entre candidatos democráticos; ahora es abrirle las puertas de la moneda al marxismo, siendo una minoría. 

En el Congreso pleno Allende era también una minoría. Contaba apenas con 78 parlamentarios. Mucho menos de la mitad. Si Allende esperaba ser Presidente, necesariamente debía golpear las puertas de la Democracia Cristiana. Ella con sus 75 parlamentarios decidía.

Pero la Unidad Popular despertaba recelos. Allende estaba acompañado de algunos personajes no deseables. ¿Quién podría garantizar que no ocurriera con él lo mismo que sucedió con Fidel Castro, que en Sierra Maestra se proclamaba demócrata, católico y devoto de la virgen ?

En una dramática reunion, la Junta Nacional de la Democracia Cristiana acordó con sus parlamentarios que le darían el voto a Allende en el Congreso pleno, pero siempre que aceptara el cumplimiento de 7 Estatutos de Garantías Democráticas, las cuales serian incorporadas en la Constitución.

El pleno del Congreso elige a Allende como Presidente de Chile. Más tarde, entrevistado por el periodista Regis Debray, Allende reconoció que su aceptación de las garantías había sido solo una táctica para llegar al Gobierno.

Las 7 garantias eran:

- La Constitución aseguraba la libre creación, existencia y desenvolvimiento de los partidos politicos

- Libre acceso a la prensa, radio y television de todas las corrientes en igualdad de condiciones.

- Constitucionalmente se consagraba que la fuerza publica estaría compuesta exclusivamente por las Fuerzas Armadas y Carabineros, y que no se podrían organizar ni milicias populares ni guardias.

- Las Fuerzas Armadas y Carabineros serian instituciones profesionalizadas, jerarquizadas, obedientes y no deliberantes. Se reservaba a los Comandantes en Jefe la facultad plena para el nombramiento de sus subordinados.

- En el Estatuto de Educación se proclamaba que esta seria independiente de toda orientación ideológica oficial.

- Se reiteraba la garantía constitucional que establece el derecho a asociarse, a través de cooperativas o sindicatos, y que se mantendría el derecho a huelga.

- Se modernizaban las garantías constitucionales del derecho de reunion y de libertad personal.

Por primera vez se manifestaba desconfianza hacia quien seria elegido Presidente de la República. 

El Congreso pleno finalmente eligió a Allende Presidente de Chile con 2 tercios de los parlamentarios: 153 votos contra 35 de Alessandri y 7 en blanco. Así es como la Democracia Cristiana le permitió a Allende llegar a la presidencia de Chile.

**********************************************************************************

Información basada principalmente en la obra de Hernan Millas y Emilio Filippi "Anatomía de un Fracaso".

Hernán Millas nació el 5 de mayo de 1921, y estudió un año de Leyes en la Universidad de Chile, para después dedicarse al periodismo. Trabajó como reportero y columnista en los diarios El Clarín y La Época, en las revistas Ercilla y Hoy, y en la radio Santiago. También escribió varios libros. Y en 1985 recibió el Premio Nacional de Periodismo.

Emilio Filippi, Profesor universitario recibió el Premio Nacional de Periodismo en 1972 con mención en redacción. Inició su vida en el periodismo en 1942 trabajando en el diario “La voz de la columna’’ de Villa Alemana del cual llegó ser su director. En 1965, se incorporó como gerente de publicaciones periodísticas de Zig-Zag.

Fue director de la revista Ercilla entre 1968 y 1976. Fue el  fundador y director de la revista “Hoy’’ y del diario “La Época’’ (1987), que dirigió hasta 1993. Mismo año que fue embajador de Chile en Portugal, nombrado por el Presidente Patricio Aylwin.

The Socialist Experience in Chile (Part II): I am not the President of all Chileans

The first weeks of the Popular Unity government had the euphoria of the new, shocking announcements and emotional phrases.

Everything seemed to start well, in his first press conference as Head of State, Allende stated: "I am not in this position to perform miracles, I am in this position to teach people to work on the basis of planning their economy and contributing their sacrifice and heroism in daily effort ".

In a massive act held at the National Stadium, Allende stated: "I make the phrase of Fidel Castro my own, in this government you can put your feet, but never your hands. I will be inflexible in the custody of the morality of the regime."

Interior Minister José Toha announced that the Mobile Group of Carabineros had been dissolved, as part of the 40 measures promised. Posters during the campaign featured pictures of police beating women and students.

The decree stipulated that the troops of the disappeared Mobile Group would become members of the Prefecture of Special Services. Toha told reporters: "We are sure that the policies of the popular government will make unnecessary the existence of police groups that have to confront the population.

Months later it would be the same staff of the former Mobile Group (now the Prefecture of Special Services) which, following orders, would arrive equipped with gas masks and shields to dissolve demonstrations using luma batons and tear gas.

On the other hand, children from a distant northern mountain school who had never seen the sea before, would spend two weeks in the Presidential Palace in the city of Viña del Mar.

Allende expressed his displeasure that some union leaders came to La Moneda and treated him as "Excellence." Then I declare: I am not just another president, but rather I am the first president of a popular, national and revolutionary government that opens the way to socialism. Furthermore, I am not His Excellency the President of the Republic, but rather I am the Comrade President.

In all official correspondence the expression "sir" was deleted and replaced by "comrade". Imperceptibly there was discrimination between those who could be called "comrade" and those who were "sir." Thus, little by little the Popular Unity was dividing the Chileans into two groups that would become irreconcilable: those who belonged to the Popular Unity and those who were not. The "comrades" and the "sirs".

Three months after starting his mandate, Allende declared in Valparaíso: "I am not the president of the socialist party, I am the president of the Popular Unity. Nor am I the president of all Chileans. I am not the hypocrite who says it, no. I am not. I am not the president of all Chileans.

But it was not these words that made the most bitter impression. In an interview made by the French Marxist ideologue Regis Debray and which was reproduced by the Mirista (MIR - Revolutionary Left Movement) and pro-Castro magazine Punto Final. He asked him how he had accepted the Statute of Constitutional Guarantees. Allende's response was: I accepted it as a tactical necessity to assume power. The important thing at that time was to take over the government.

His words reflected a certain political cynicism. He had accepted the statute as an indispensable requirement to obtain the presidency. He had never intended to comply.

Chilean families saw the ghost of hunger arise. Grocery stores were empty
 and modest people lined up in vain to try to get what they needed to eat.

Other events began to reveal a new phase in Allende's personality. The politician who reached the presidency was forced to do what Popular Unity determined. This was made up of 6 collectives, but there were only two strong parties: the Socialist and the Communist, which looked aggressive, although from the outside they affirmed their granite revolutionary unity.

A Senator from the Popular Unity (Alberto Jerez, from the Christian Left) confided that on one occasion he could not help but express his bitterness for the stubborn and harsh way in which socialists and communists wanted to impose their points of view on Allende. He interrupted the Popular Unity meeting in La Moneda shouting: Do you want to tell me who the hell is the President of the republic and is in charge here?

This resulted in several spectacular announcements made by Allende that were subsequently not carried out.

The total shortage of products was a reflection of reality, the economic
 chaos was suffocating Chile, while inflation grew at an impressive rate.

On December 30th, 1970, Allende spoke on the national radio and television network announcing: "Within eight days I will send a bill to Congress to nationalize all the banks."

The initiative never reached parliament.

The legal loopholes were beginning. Every law had an escape door.

With a legal subterfuge, CORFO bought the titles of the private shareholders
and the commercial banks were passed to the State. The Popular Unity
parties installed Managers and Directors in their administration.

Hence, with the current "bourgeois laws" Popular Unity could gradually establish socialism in Chile, stepping on tiptoe to prevent the jealous constitutionalists from giving the cry of alert.

In the case of the banks, why go to Congress where the Popular Unity did not have a majority? It is true that the Christian Democracy had expressed its approval, but it also spoke of banks as worker companies.

The best thing was to nationalize them all without consulting Congress. How? The law that created the Corporation for the Promotion of Production (CORFO) empowered this company to acquire shares in some companies. That provision could be used to buy shares in all banks. The day that it could have acquired half plus one of those shares without Congress passing a law; the banks would pass into the hands of the state.

CORFO, lacking its true role, dedicated itself to buying shares in all banks. These shares were not even listed on the stock market. They were offered a part in cash and the rest in bonds payable over several years.

The same system of purchase of shares of the banks, began to apply CORFO in the industries. The state was swallowing companies without the need for law.

To the 45 companies that would be nationalized, others were added, not knowing if that amount would be the final one.

But as this was very onerous, an alternative was established: to produce labor disputes that forced businessmen to sell at any price. The CUP (Popular Unity Committee) of the industry workers helped that aim.

All in all, 1971, the first year of the Popular Unity government was prosperous. Everyone earned more, everyone spent more, and lived better.

Chileans were unaware that this feast had a bitter price: they were wasting the reserves accumulated by the country for years.

The procedure used by the Popular Unity to achieve the "redistribution of income"
-according to its representatives- was the uncontrolled issuance of paper money.
This generated a rise in inflation and the appearance of the black market.

To cover the fiscal deficit and the commitments derived from the generous increases in wages and salaries, banknotes began to be printed.

The 1971 emission reached 20,000 million escudos (a million dollars at that time), which represented an increase in the emission of 132.7 percent. But the money printing machine was just working. In the last year of the Popular Unity, it would exceed that figure ten times (216,000 million escudos in eight months).

The political dividend of this artificial bonanza was that Allende, who had obtained 36.3% of the vote, saw his strength increased to 49.5% in the municipal elections. Now he was on an equal ground with the opposition.

Government of Jorge Alessandri (Right): 1958-63 
Government of Eduardo Frei (Christian Democrat): 1964-69
Government of Salvador Allende (Left): 1970-73 

That the economy collapsed, that industries died, that inflation devoured wages and salaries, was part of a strategy destined to reduce to zero that "capitalist society" and in its ruins begin to build the new socialist economy.

Another adverse factor was added: the brain drain began. In the fiscal bodies, in the companies that were nationalized, the professionals and technicians who were not from the Popular Unity were fired or had their lives made impossible, labeling them reactionaries and saboteurs.

Engineers, doctors, biochemists, biologists, civil builders, architects, had to leave Chile.

Eduardo Simián, the engineer who made the first oil spout in Chile, was given forty-eight hours to leave his post. He was immediately hired by Ecuador.

You might be interested in the first part of this article: The Socialist Experience in Chile - Part I

* Information based mainly on the work by Hernan Millas and Emilio Filippi "Anatomy of a Failure".

The Socialist Experience in Chile (Part I): Three years before

To understand the great crisis that was generated in Chile in the early 1970s and that culminated with the military intervention led by General Augusto Pinochet and the suicide of Salvador Allende, it is necessary to know the facts that preceded this stage of our history.

In September 1973, Salvador Allende died. Three years before he was elected President of Chile, after four attempts.

In 1952 he suffered a wide defeat against Carlos Ibañez. In 1958 he almost succeeded and was barely 33,000 votes away from victory. In 1964 Eduardo Frei Montalva defeated him by 432,000 votes.

For this reason, in the 1970 campaign there were many skeptics, they distrusted the left itself, they were not sure if it would be able to win in another attempt to reach the presidency.

Finally, and on the condition that he govern together with the leaders of the popular unity parties, the left parties supported his candidacy. It would be a president without autonomy of command.

His opponents in 1970 were former president Jorge Alessandri, representing the right-wing sector, although he personally rejected being branded a rightist or conservative, preferring to be associated with efficiency and accuracy. In the campaign his austerity features would stand out, for fifteen years he lived alone in an old building near the Plaza de Armas in Santiago. What could play against him would be his advanced age, since he would enter La Moneda at 78 years old.

The other rival was Radomiro Tomic, standard-bearer of the Christian Democrats. His slogan was "not a step back" in the conquests achieved with Frei, President in those days. With two candidates as opposed as Alessandri and Allende, the electorate was polarizing. Tomic offered a program similar to Allende's although he warned that changes would be made in freedom and democracy.

Allende was a skillful candidate, he never presented himself as a Marxist, who if he succeeded would implant Marxism and the dictatorship of the proletariat. And the night of the triumph he would repeat: "My government will not be a communist, socialist, or radical government; it will be the government of the forces that make up the Popular Unity..."

Allende's program consisted of two parts, one was "The First 40 Measures." Forty promises offered to the people: Half a liter of milk for each child, schoolchildren would spend the summer at the presidential house in Viña del Mar, books and school supplies would be free, no one would pay in hospitals, homes that were not mansions would be exempt from contributions (house tax), all people over 60 years old would have retirement even if they did not have social security. History would show that many of these promises are difficult to fulfill, but the educational level of a large part of the Chileans of those times was quite precarious.

Other measures contemplated the nationalization of the large copper and iron mining companies, banks, the telephone company, foreign trade, and large monopolistic companies. He listed them as 45. But he warned: "All these expropriations will always be carried out with full protection of the small shareholder; we are not going to strip anyone."

Allende in the human sense: "In thirty-two years as a politician they have told me everything, except that I have stolen or that I am homosexual."

Allende and his relation with the Communist Party

Regarding the Communist Party being able to dominate it, its old disputes with the community were remembered. In 1948 he commented before the Senate that the Chilean socialists who recognized many of the achievements of Soviet Russia, rejected its political organization and many laws that restricted individual freedoms... In fact, since those times the Socialist Party had been leaning towards the extreme left.

The triumph of an Allende who declared himself a Marxist, but who affirmed that he would make a democratic government could be accepted by a rather tolerant Chilean.

The Diario Ilustrado (of a conservative tendency) published before the elections: "There is no doubt that we do not want for Chile what the Popular Front brought to Spain: burned temples, desecrated convents, raped nuns."

With this climate the presidential elections of September 4th, 1970 took place.

Allende triumphed at the polls with 1,075,616 votes (36.3%). Second was Jorge Alessandri with 1,036,278 votes (34.9%) and third, Tomic with 824,849 votes (27.8%).

Allende was the virtual winner although with a very narrow first relative majority. He beat Alessandri by just 39,000 votes (1.4%).

The result also revealed that almost 2/3 of the electorate rejected a Marxist alternative. Those who voted for Alessandri and Tomic (2 out of 3 Chileans) believed in democracy.

The electoral process had not yet finished, the Chilean Constitution established that the citizen who obtained half +1 of the votes was anointed as President-elect. Allende lacked a lot: 400,000 votes (15.2%).

When there is no such majority, the Constitution indicates the way: the full Congress (50 Senators and 150 deputies) will have to choose between the first two majorities. In this case, it had to be between Allende and Alessandri.

Both arrived before the full Congress on equal terms. The Christian Democrats during the electoral campaign had proposed creating the second round, as in France. In this way, the elected President would represent the great majorities. However, neither the supporters of Alessandri nor those of Allende accepted this initiative.

Jorge Alessandri Rodriguez - President of Chile (1958-1964)

Hence, the transcendental responsibility of settling the lawsuit remained with Congress.

There was a tradition that was very heavy for Chileans. Until then, the full Congress had always respected the first majority. Even during the campaign the three candidates repeated "whoever wins by one vote will be the president."

Now came the dramatic dilemma. Those who voted for Alessandri argued: it is true that this betrayal exists, but it was between democratic candidates; now it is to open the doors of La Moneda (government palace) to Marxism, being a minority.

In the full Congress Allende was also a minority. It had only 78 parliamentarians. Much less than half. If Allende expected to be President, he must necessarily knock on the doors of the Christian Democracy. This party with its 75 parliamentarians decided.

But the Popular Unity aroused misgivings. Allende was accompanied by some undesirable characters. Who could guarantee that the same thing that happened with Fidel Castro, who in Sierra Maestra proclaimed himself a democrat, catholic and devotee of the Virgin, would not happen to him?

In a dramatic meeting, the National Board of Christian Democracy agreed with its parliamentarians that they would give Allende a vote in full Congress, but provided that they accept compliance with 7 Statutes of Democratic Guarantees, which would be incorporated into the Constitution.

The full Congress elects Allende as President of Chile. Later, interviewed by journalist Regis Debray, Allende acknowledged that his acceptance of the guarantees had been only a tactic to reach the Government.

The 7 guarantees were:

- The Constitution ensured the free creation, existence and development of political parties

- Free access to the press, radio and television of all streams under equal conditions.

- It was constitutionally enshrined that the public force would be composed exclusively of the Armed Forces and Police, and that neither popular militias nor guards could be organized.

- The Armed Forces and Carabineros (Chilean police) would be professionalized, hierarchical, obedient and non-deliberative institutions. Full power was reserved to the Commanders in Chief for the appointment of their subordinates.

- In the Statute of Education it was proclaimed that it would be independent of any official ideological orientation.

- The constitutional guarantee that establishes the right to associate, through cooperatives or unions, and that the right to strike would be maintained.

- The constitutional guarantees of the right of assembly and personal freedom were modernized.

For the first time distrust was manifested towards who would be elected President of the Republic.

The full Congress finally elected Allende President of Chile with 2 thirds of the parliamentarians: 153 votes against 35 for Alessandri and 7 blank. This is how the Christian Democrats allowed Allende to reach the presidency of Chile.

* Information based mainly on the work by Hernan Millas and Emilio Filippi "Anatomy of a Failure".

Hernán Millas was born on May 5th, 1921, and studied Law for a year at the University of Chile, and later devoted himself to journalism. He worked as a reporter and columnist in the newspapers El Clarín and La Época, in the "Ercilla" and "Hoy" magazines, and on the Santiago radio. He also wrote several books. And in 1985 he received the National Prize for Journalism.

Emilio Filippi, University Professor received the National Journalism Award in 1972 with a mention in writing. He began his life in journalism in 1942 working for the newspaper "La voz de la columna" in Villa Alemana, of which he became its director. In 1965, he joined as Zig-Zag's newspaper publishing manager.

He was director of the magazine "Ercilla" between 1968 and 1976. He was the founder and director of the magazine “Hoy” and of the newspaper "La Época'' (1987), which he directed until 1993. Same year that he was ambassador of Chile in Portugal, appointed by President Patricio Aylwin.