The Socialist Experience in Chile (Part III): Hate and violence

The armed preparation started from Allende himself and his personal guard
who had guerrilla and paramilitary training.

One of the first presidential decrees was destined to pardon 43 young people from the extreme left, who were fugitives or prosecuted. Thanks to this presidential pardon, the leaders of the MIR, including a nephew of President Allende, were released and left the underground. Also pardoned was Arturo Rivera Calderón, leader of the ultra VOP group (Vanguardia Organizada del Pueblo), who five months later assassinated former Vice President of the Republic Edmundo Pérez Zujovic, of the Christian Democratic Party.

All those pardoned had participated in robberies of banks, supermarkets and gasoline stations. They called the proceeds of their robberies "expropriation," saying it was to acquire weapons and maintain their movement. The MIR, until the arrival of Allende, was just a small group without much influence.

Allende, when signing the decree, explained that it was "Young Idealists, with whom we had a different tactical appreciation, who acted wrongly, but driven by a higher desire for social transformation."

The MIR paraded through the center of Santiago with their red and black flags intoning their battle cry: People, conscience and rifle, MIR, MIR". 

Police radio patrols were protecting them. Slngµlar paradox, because until a few days before those who paraded were outside the Law.

A novelty was exhibited by the miristas: they carried the flags on long sticks of coligüe, with a steely tip. These sticks, called lynchaks, served as a weapon for Korean guerrillas in the 1950 war.

Later, the miristas would carry two small rods joined at one end and that also served the guerrillas to strangle the enemy. Likewise, the miristas introduced a novelty in the political parades by marching armed with helmets.

Those who saw that first presentation by the extremists had doubts that violence would be eradicated, as President Allende maintained. And he, by calling them "young idealists" went on to grant a visa to the apostles of violence. Soon the troops of the Ramona Parra Brigade, formed by young communists, would be added to the miristas, and who remembered a young woman killed in a fight twenty-five years ago.

The Socialists would form the Elmo Catalán Brigade, in memory of a former secretary of Carlos Altamirano (its top leader) who tragically died in Bolivia, where he had gone to join the guerrillas.

For their part, on the opposite side, the nationals (from the Right) created the Rolando Matus Brigade, in memory of a young farmer murdered by Marxist extremists. And on the extreme right, the Patria y Libertad Movement arose, destined to combat Marxism.

President Allende himself began to have an armed body. This had been born in the days following the elections of September 4th. Wherever he went he did so accompanied by a score of very corpulent individuals who did not hide that they were armed.

These guys rudely prevented anyone from getting close to Allende. Those who tried to do so were repelled with shoves and elbows along with profanity.

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The Socialist Experience in Chile (Part I): Three years before

The Socialist Experience in Chile (Part II): I am not the President of all Chileans

Communist brigades painted murals and were armed to attack opponents

It had been a tradition that the leaders, and even the former Presidents of the Republic, had protection from the PDI (civilian police) and Carabineros. For this reason, this strange security device made up of individuals with the appearance of gunmen caused comments.

Allende took it upon himself to explain who they were: "This is a group of personal friends of mine, whose loyalty and courage I fully trust."

From that day on they were known as the GAP (Group of Personal Friends).

The GAP were famous for the casual brutality with which they acted.
Wrecked cars demonstrated their action.

Most of its components were Miristas and Socialists. His boss, Max Joel Marambio, who had been trained in Cuba, used the false name of Ariel Fontanarosa.

Marambio specified the duties of the GAP: The bullet that could be directed at the comrade President, must be received by us, and nothing else but us''.

The GAP was equipped with FIAT 125 vehicles and its men equipped with pistols, silenced automatic rifles and machine guns. Cubans, North Koreans and North Vietnamese, experts in guerrilla warfare, were brought in as instructors. They constantly trained on Andean foothills.

Max Joel Marambio, head of the Allende GAP, had organised the personal guard,
made up of militants from the MIR and the Socialist Party, many of them with criminal records

Several residences had Allende. One of them, in El Cañaveral, had a guerrilla training camp, equipped with innumerable weapons of Soviet and Czechoslovak origin. There was even a mined sector there.

In Tomás Moro 200, the presidential residence, and in El Cañaveral, Allende's rest residence, pavilions were built for the GAP, which numbered two hundred men. But, apart from taking care of Allende's personal safety, GAP members went on to become teachers in the guerrilla schools that proliferated in the country. ·

The expression "licensed to kill", attributed to Ian Fleming's fictional character James Bond, seemed to come true with the GAPs. Knowing that they were protected and that they could go almost unpunished, they flaunted their arrogance, especially when they were off duty and out partying. Alfonso Cortés Soto, a member of the Socialist Youth, who left the GAP disappointed, said: "They told me that it was a group of young people who had practically decided to live near comrade Allende, but gradually discovered that those recruited were rude and behaving like a gang of lowly gunmen.

Several residences had Allende. One of them, in Cañaveral, had a guerrilla training camp, equipped with innumerable weapons of Soviet and Czechoslovak origin. There was even a mined sector there.

Allende himself had to decide to reorganize the GAP Headquarters after Justice had to intervene due to the murder of a 17-year-old teenager who worked as a gardener in El Cañaveral and who was killed by one of them. Likewise, it was common for pitched battles to take place between the two sides into which that paramilitary body had been divided.

When a magistrate reconstituted the crime scene of the gardener in the presidential residence, the GAP shot at the bodies of the journalists who approached.

Everything indicated that the purpose announced by Allende in his first press conference, that his revolution would be "with empanadas and red wine (in other words, like the cheerful snack of Chileans on picnics), was vanishing.

The extremist group Vanguardia Organizada del Pueblo (VOP), made up of
socialists with dual militancy, used training targets to sharpen their aim

It did not take long for those pardoned by Allende to renew their violence. The VOP began an escalation of crimes of extreme ferocity: they robbed a candy store, murdered its owner and then abused his body; They robbed a supermarket and killed a Carabinero. All those crimes would go unpunished, until they committed the most heinous political crime.

Furthermore, the violence was in the words. And they would pull the trigger against those considered "counterrevolutionaries."

The newspapers and magazines (those that had proliferated printed in the state workshops and financed with State advertisements), the stations and television in the hands of the Popular Unity distilled a virulence never before known.

The former Vice President of the Republic, Edmundo Perez Zujovic,
was the first victim of the hate campaign initiated by the Popular Unity

Anyone who disagreed, or who had an attitude that displeased the Popular Unity, was a victim of the worst expletives, of coarse language not used in any other newspaper in the world. The most "elegant" thing he was told was "CIA agent, sold to Imperialism."

The Judiciary began to fall into the same anathemas.

When the Supreme Court denied the removal of immunity (he is stripped of his parliamentary jurisdiction and can be prosecuted) of the opposition senator Raúl Morales Adriasola, the socialist deputy Mario Palestro called the Ministers of the Court "pimps, matchmakers and bastards".

The Rivera Calderon brothers were found in a Santiago neighborhood. The police operation
turned into a real hunt, since the police forces had to go up to the roofs of the houses

The favorite target of the UP press was Edmundo Pérez Zujovic. He had been Minister of Frel and Vice President of the Republic. The Christian Democrats considered him a kind of older brother, and admired his moral and human stamp.

As a result of the professional investigation by the police, Eduardo Paredes was forced to order the arrest of the VOP militants implicated in the murder of Edmundo Perez Zujovlc.

The extreme left evidenced his distaste for him, and gave him the fame of "tough" when he was Minister of the Interior and was uncompromising in defending his principles and applied the Law and authority without weakness.

As a result of the professional investigation by the police, Eduardo Paredes was forced
to order the arrest of the VOP militants involved in the murder of Edmundo Pérez Zujovic

He was Minister of the Interior when in Puerto Montt, a thousand kilometers south of Santiago, there was a tragic confrontation between police officers and residents, with a balance of nine victims. A hundred families instigated by the socialist deputy Luis Espinoza (who later acquired a reputation as a violentist) occupied some land and refused to leave.

Although the eviction order came from a provincial authority, which did not consult Santiago, Pérez Zujovic assumed full responsibility. Many times he repeated to those close to him that Puerto Montt "hurt" him, even though he had been oblivious to what happened there.

The UP press daily attributed Pérez Zujovic involvement in some plot or maneuver against the Allende government.

Perez Zujovic and former President Frei were close friends (the Vice President was the godfather
of one of the Chilean president's daughters). Frei was also in the sights of the assassins

The Rivera Calderón brothers were found in a Santiago neighborhood. The police operation turned into a real hunt, since the police forces had to go up to the roofs of the houses.

The VOP placed it on the list of their "rifleables". He had taken up the words of the socialist senator Adonis Sepúlveda, who said when the events in Puerto Montt took place: 'The only responsibility that we socialists recognise is that of not having been able yet to create the necessary organisms to respond bullet by bullet, dead for dead". In the sights of the assassins, came later the former President Frei and the Christian Democratic senators Patricio Aylwin and Juan de Dios Carmona, as was later recognised by a statement by the Political Commission of the PC, in which he condemned the events. It was the Plan Z advance.

And the VOP carried out a treacherous massacre of Edmundo Perez Zujovic. A car cut him off when he had just left his house with one of his daughters. Two men armed with machine guns got out of the vehicle, while the third waited at the wheel. One of the perpetrators, with the butt of the machine gun, smashed the windbreak window of the left door. All in fraction of seconds. Pérez Zujovic and his daughter Maria Angélica did not try anything, not even talk to them so that they would give up or exchange any words. The fear of near death had stopped their lives. The barrel of the machine gun entered the car, Pérez Zujovic lowered his head, it is possible that he muttered a prayer. And he started the barrage of bullets.

                                            

While the detectives run after Ronald Rivera, there are others who wait for the moment to kill the murderer. Paredes wanted to silence him. This happened after several hours of siege

The VOP called the crime "revolutionary shooting."

"We have to kill hate before hate poisons and kills the soul of our Chile," Cardinal Raúl Silva expressed dismay.

Allende told the DC his belief that the assassins belonged to the far right, and that they had committed the crime to harm the UP.

Eduardo "Coco" Paredes was one of the most controversial figures of the Popular Unity regime. He was even accused of being a traitor by modest villagers whom he strongly repressed. When Allende fell he took up arms and confronted the public force; he died in the fray.

"The enemies of the Fatherland stop at nothing," he said.

The Director of Investigations, Eduardo Paredes, went on to contradict him. He revealed to journalists that the crime had been committed by the VOP, headed by the Rivera Calderón brothers. He acknowledged that a month earlier he had interrogated them for their possible participation in various assaults and crimes, leaving them free for lack of merit.

At dawn on Sunday, June 13th (four days after the murder), Paredes himself led the manhunt for the Rivera Calderón brothers, refugees in a tenement house in a modest neighbourhood. In vain the two brothers tried to surrender by raising a white flag. Both were shot to death.

The funerals of former Vice President Perez Zujovic gave rise to moments of deep emotion. Thousands of people accompanied him to his final resting place. Beyond political considerations, they were united in this gesture by a repudiation of the violence and the climate of terror that was prevailing in the country.

Only later would the sordid links between Paredes and the VOP assassins become known. Hence, the Director of Investigations decided to seal that blood pact with their death, to prevent them from speaking.

The culmination of that tragic sequel was missing. Heriberto Salazar, known as "El Viejo", before belonging to the VOP, had been a Carabinero. Paredes' betrayal to the VOP made him decide to exact revenge. He presented himself to the guard at the Investigation Barracks asking to speak with Director Paredes "for a personal matter."

There were inquiries inside and Salazar understood that they would not let him in, or that he would be subject to review. He suddenly pulled out a concealed machine gun and began firing into the barracks, killing three policemen. Lastly, he lit a stick of dynamite and was blown to pieces.

Three Investigations detectives died as a result of the explosion caused by the leader of the VOP, Heriberto Salazar, in the General Mackenna barracks. Salazar was going to "do justice" for the denunciation made by Eduardo Paredes. Detectives Carlos Paez, Mario Marin and Gerardo Romero paid tribute to the double militancy of the Director of Civil Police at the time.

Had Pérez Zujovic's death been planned by Eduardo Paredes himself?

He was one of the strangest characters of the Allende regime. He was a doctor, but he did not practice. He was considered a psychopath. Later he would lead an operation against a Mirista camp, where he would kill a resident and wound several others. And he would also be the central protagonist of the case of the Cuban packages, worthy of a special chapter.

The murder of Edmundo Pérez Zujovic and the evidence that the perpetrators were Marxists, and that they were part of the "young idealists" pardoned by Allende, caused a stir in the country.

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* Information based mainly on the work by Hernan Millas and Emilio Filippi "Anatomy of a Failure".

Hernán Millas was born on May 5th, 1921, and studied Law for a year at the University of Chile, and later devoted himself to journalism. He worked as a reporter and columnist in the newspapers El Clarín and La Época, in the "Ercilla" and "Hoy" magazines, and on the Santiago radio. He also wrote several books. And in 1985 he received the National Prize for Journalism.

Emilio Filippi, University Professor received the National Journalism Award in 1972 with a mention in writing. He began his life in journalism in 1942 working for the newspaper "La voz de la columna" in Villa Alemana, of which he became its director. In 1965, he joined as Zig-Zag's newspaper publishing manager.

He was director of the magazine "Ercilla" between 1968 and 1976. He was the founder and director of the magazine “Hoy” and of the newspaper "La Época'' (1987), which he directed until 1993. Same year that he was ambassador of Chile in Portugal, appointed by President Patricio Aylwin.

La Experiencia Socialista en Chile (Parte I): Tres años antes

Para comprender la gran crisis que se genero en Chile a principios de los años 1970 y que culmino con la intervención militar encabezada por el General Augusto Pinochet y el suicidio de Salvador Allende, es necesario conocer los hechos que antecedieron esta etapa de nuestra historia.

En Septiembre de 1973, Salvador Allende murió. Tres años antes era elegido Presidente de Chile, luego de cuatro intentos.

En 1952 sufrió una amplia derrota en contra de Carlos Ibañez. En 1958 casi lo consiguió y estuvo apenas a 33.000 votos de la victoria. En 1964 Eduardo Frei Montalva lo derroto por 432.000 votos.

                                 

Por eso, en la campaña de 1970 hubo muchos escépticos, desconfiaban en la misma izquierda, no estaban seguros si seria capaz de ganar en otro intento por llegar a la presidencia.

Finalmente y con la condición que gobernara junto a los jefes de partidos de la unidad popular, los partidos de izquierda apoyaron su candidatura. Seria un mandatario sin autonomía de mando.

Sus oponentes en 1970, eran el ex presidente Jorge Alessandri, representando al sector de la derecha, aunque él personalmente rechazaba que lo tildaran de derechista o conservador, prefería que lo asociaran con la eficiencia y la exactitud. En la campaña se destacarían sus rasgos de austeridad, hacia quince años que vivía solo en un antiguo edificio cercano a la Plaza de Armas de Santiago. Lo que podia jugarle en contra seria su avanzada edad, ya que entraría a La Moneda a los 78 años.

El otro rival era Radomiro Tomic, abanderado de la Democracia Cristiana. Su slogan era "ni un paso atrás" en las conquistas logradas con Frei, Presidente en esos días. Con dos candidatos tan opuestos como Alessandri y Allende, el electorado fue polarizándose. Tomic ofrecía un programa similar al de Allende aunque advertía que se harían los cambios en libertad y democracia.

Allende fue un candidato hábil, nunca se presento como marxista, que de triunfar implantaría el marxismo y la dictadura del proletariado. Y la noche del triunfo repetiría: Mi gobierno no sera un gobierno comunista, ni socialista, ni radical; sera el gobierno de las fuerzas que componen la Unidad Popular..."

El programa de Allende constaba de dos partes, una eran "Las Primeras 40 Medidas". Cuarenta promesas que ofrecía al pueblo: Medio litro de leche para cada niño, los escolares veranearían en la casa presidencial de Viña del Mar, los libros y utiles escolares serian gratuitos, nadie pagaría en los hospitales, las viviendas que no fuesen mansiones estarían exentas de contribuciones, todas las personas mayores de 60 años tendrían jubilación aunque no tuviesen prevision social. La historia demostraría que muchas de esas promesas son difíciles de cumplir, pero el nivel educacional de gran parte de los chilenos de esos tiempos, era bastante precario.

Otras medidas contemplaban la nacionalización de la gran minería del cobre y del hierro, los bancos, la compañía de teléfonos, el comercio exterior, las grandes empresas monopólicas. Las enumeraba serian 45. Pero advertía: "Todas estas expropiaciones se harán siempre con pleno resguardo del pequeño accionista; no vamos a despojar a nadie".

Allende en lo humano convencía: "En treinta y dos años de politico me han dicho de todo, menos que he robado o que soy homosexual".

Allende y su relación con el Partido Comunista

Respecto a que el Partido Comunista pudiera dominarlo se recordaban sus viejas disputas con la colectividad. En 1948 comentaba ante el Senado, que los socialistas chilenos que reconocían muchos de los logros de la Rusia Soviética, rechazaban su organización política y muchas leyes que coartaban las libertades individuales... En verdad desde esos tiempos el Partido Socialista se había ido inclinando hacia la extrema izquierda.

El triunfo de un Allende que se declarase marxista, pero que afirmara que haría un gobierno democrático podia ser aceptado por un chileno mas bien tolerante.

El Diario Ilustrado (de tendencia conservadora) publicaba antes de las elecciones: "Es indudable que no queremos para Chile lo que el Frente Popular trajo a España: templos incendiados, conventos profanados, religiosas violadas".

Con ese clima se desarrollaron las elecciones presidenciales del 4 de Septiembre de 1970.

Allende triunfó en las urnas con 1.075.616 votos (el 36,3%). Segundo, resulto Jorge Alessandri con 1.036.278 votos (34,9%) y tercero, Tomic con 824.849 votos (27,8%).

Allende era virtual ganador aunque con una estrechísima primera mayoría relativa. Le ganaba a Alessandri por apenas 39.000 votos (el 1,4%).

El resultado revelaba también que casi los 2/3 del electorado rechazaba una alternativa marxista. Los que votaron por Alessandri y por Tomic (2 de cada 3 chilenos) creían en la democracia.

El proceso electoral todavía no había terminado la Constitución chilena establecía que quedaba ungido como Presidente electo el ciudadano que obtuviera la mitad +1 de los votos. A Allende le faltaba muchísimo: 400.000 votos (el 15,2 %).

Cuando no existe tal mayoría, la Constitución indica el camino: el Congreso pleno (50 Senadores y 150 diputados) tendrá que elegir entre las dos primeras mayorías. En este caso, tenía que ser entre Allende y Alessandri.

Ambos ante el Congreso pleno llegaban en igualdad de condiciones. La Democracia Cristiana durante la campaña electoral había propuesto crear la segunda vuelta, como en Francia. De este modo el Presidente elegido representaría a las grandes mayorías. Sin embargo ni los partidarios de Alessandri ni los de Allende aceptaron esa iniciativa. 

Jorge Alessandri Rodriguez - Presidente de Chile (1958-1964)

De ahí que quedara sobre el Congreso la trascendental responsabilidad de dirimir el pleito. 

Existía una tradición que para los chilenos pesaba mucho. Hasta entonces siempre el Congreso pleno había respetado la primera mayoría. Incluso durante la campaña los tres candidatos repitieron "el que gane por un voto será el presidente". 

Ahora venía el dramático dilema. Los que votaron por Alessandri argumentaron: es cierto que existe esa traición pero fue entre candidatos democráticos; ahora es abrirle las puertas de la moneda al marxismo, siendo una minoría. 

En el Congreso pleno Allende era también una minoría. Contaba apenas con 78 parlamentarios. Mucho menos de la mitad. Si Allende esperaba ser Presidente, necesariamente debía golpear las puertas de la Democracia Cristiana. Ella con sus 75 parlamentarios decidía.

Pero la Unidad Popular despertaba recelos. Allende estaba acompañado de algunos personajes no deseables. ¿Quién podría garantizar que no ocurriera con él lo mismo que sucedió con Fidel Castro, que en Sierra Maestra se proclamaba demócrata, católico y devoto de la virgen ?

En una dramática reunion, la Junta Nacional de la Democracia Cristiana acordó con sus parlamentarios que le darían el voto a Allende en el Congreso pleno, pero siempre que aceptara el cumplimiento de 7 Estatutos de Garantías Democráticas, las cuales serian incorporadas en la Constitución.

El pleno del Congreso elige a Allende como Presidente de Chile. Más tarde, entrevistado por el periodista Regis Debray, Allende reconoció que su aceptación de las garantías había sido solo una táctica para llegar al Gobierno.

Las 7 garantias eran:

- La Constitución aseguraba la libre creación, existencia y desenvolvimiento de los partidos politicos

- Libre acceso a la prensa, radio y television de todas las corrientes en igualdad de condiciones.

- Constitucionalmente se consagraba que la fuerza publica estaría compuesta exclusivamente por las Fuerzas Armadas y Carabineros, y que no se podrían organizar ni milicias populares ni guardias.

- Las Fuerzas Armadas y Carabineros serian instituciones profesionalizadas, jerarquizadas, obedientes y no deliberantes. Se reservaba a los Comandantes en Jefe la facultad plena para el nombramiento de sus subordinados.

- En el Estatuto de Educación se proclamaba que esta seria independiente de toda orientación ideológica oficial.

- Se reiteraba la garantía constitucional que establece el derecho a asociarse, a través de cooperativas o sindicatos, y que se mantendría el derecho a huelga.

- Se modernizaban las garantías constitucionales del derecho de reunion y de libertad personal.

Por primera vez se manifestaba desconfianza hacia quien seria elegido Presidente de la República. 

El Congreso pleno finalmente eligió a Allende Presidente de Chile con 2 tercios de los parlamentarios: 153 votos contra 35 de Alessandri y 7 en blanco. Así es como la Democracia Cristiana le permitió a Allende llegar a la presidencia de Chile.

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Información basada principalmente en la obra de Hernan Millas y Emilio Filippi "Anatomía de un Fracaso".

Hernán Millas nació el 5 de mayo de 1921, y estudió un año de Leyes en la Universidad de Chile, para después dedicarse al periodismo. Trabajó como reportero y columnista en los diarios El Clarín y La Época, en las revistas Ercilla y Hoy, y en la radio Santiago. También escribió varios libros. Y en 1985 recibió el Premio Nacional de Periodismo.

Emilio Filippi, Profesor universitario recibió el Premio Nacional de Periodismo en 1972 con mención en redacción. Inició su vida en el periodismo en 1942 trabajando en el diario “La voz de la columna’’ de Villa Alemana del cual llegó ser su director. En 1965, se incorporó como gerente de publicaciones periodísticas de Zig-Zag.

Fue director de la revista Ercilla entre 1968 y 1976. Fue el  fundador y director de la revista “Hoy’’ y del diario “La Época’’ (1987), que dirigió hasta 1993. Mismo año que fue embajador de Chile en Portugal, nombrado por el Presidente Patricio Aylwin.

The Socialist Experience in Chile (Part II): I am not the President of all Chileans

The first weeks of the Popular Unity government had the euphoria of the new, shocking announcements and emotional phrases.

Everything seemed to start well, in his first press conference as Head of State, Allende stated: "I am not in this position to perform miracles, I am in this position to teach people to work on the basis of planning their economy and contributing their sacrifice and heroism in daily effort ".

In a massive act held at the National Stadium, Allende stated: "I make the phrase of Fidel Castro my own, in this government you can put your feet, but never your hands. I will be inflexible in the custody of the morality of the regime."

Interior Minister José Toha announced that the Mobile Group of Carabineros had been dissolved, as part of the 40 measures promised. Posters during the campaign featured pictures of police beating women and students.

The decree stipulated that the troops of the disappeared Mobile Group would become members of the Prefecture of Special Services. Toha told reporters: "We are sure that the policies of the popular government will make unnecessary the existence of police groups that have to confront the population.

Months later it would be the same staff of the former Mobile Group (now the Prefecture of Special Services) which, following orders, would arrive equipped with gas masks and shields to dissolve demonstrations using luma batons and tear gas.

On the other hand, children from a distant northern mountain school who had never seen the sea before, would spend two weeks in the Presidential Palace in the city of Viña del Mar.

Allende expressed his displeasure that some union leaders came to La Moneda and treated him as "Excellence." Then I declare: I am not just another president, but rather I am the first president of a popular, national and revolutionary government that opens the way to socialism. Furthermore, I am not His Excellency the President of the Republic, but rather I am the Comrade President.

In all official correspondence the expression "sir" was deleted and replaced by "comrade". Imperceptibly there was discrimination between those who could be called "comrade" and those who were "sir." Thus, little by little the Popular Unity was dividing the Chileans into two groups that would become irreconcilable: those who belonged to the Popular Unity and those who were not. The "comrades" and the "sirs".

Three months after starting his mandate, Allende declared in Valparaíso: "I am not the president of the socialist party, I am the president of the Popular Unity. Nor am I the president of all Chileans. I am not the hypocrite who says it, no. I am not. I am not the president of all Chileans.

But it was not these words that made the most bitter impression. In an interview made by the French Marxist ideologue Regis Debray and which was reproduced by the Mirista (MIR - Revolutionary Left Movement) and pro-Castro magazine Punto Final. He asked him how he had accepted the Statute of Constitutional Guarantees. Allende's response was: I accepted it as a tactical necessity to assume power. The important thing at that time was to take over the government.

His words reflected a certain political cynicism. He had accepted the statute as an indispensable requirement to obtain the presidency. He had never intended to comply.

Chilean families saw the ghost of hunger arise. Grocery stores were empty
 and modest people lined up in vain to try to get what they needed to eat.

Other events began to reveal a new phase in Allende's personality. The politician who reached the presidency was forced to do what Popular Unity determined. This was made up of 6 collectives, but there were only two strong parties: the Socialist and the Communist, which looked aggressive, although from the outside they affirmed their granite revolutionary unity.

A Senator from the Popular Unity (Alberto Jerez, from the Christian Left) confided that on one occasion he could not help but express his bitterness for the stubborn and harsh way in which socialists and communists wanted to impose their points of view on Allende. He interrupted the Popular Unity meeting in La Moneda shouting: Do you want to tell me who the hell is the President of the republic and is in charge here?

This resulted in several spectacular announcements made by Allende that were subsequently not carried out.

The total shortage of products was a reflection of reality, the economic
 chaos was suffocating Chile, while inflation grew at an impressive rate.

On December 30th, 1970, Allende spoke on the national radio and television network announcing: "Within eight days I will send a bill to Congress to nationalize all the banks."

The initiative never reached parliament.

The legal loopholes were beginning. Every law had an escape door.

With a legal subterfuge, CORFO bought the titles of the private shareholders
and the commercial banks were passed to the State. The Popular Unity
parties installed Managers and Directors in their administration.

Hence, with the current "bourgeois laws" Popular Unity could gradually establish socialism in Chile, stepping on tiptoe to prevent the jealous constitutionalists from giving the cry of alert.

In the case of the banks, why go to Congress where the Popular Unity did not have a majority? It is true that the Christian Democracy had expressed its approval, but it also spoke of banks as worker companies.

The best thing was to nationalize them all without consulting Congress. How? The law that created the Corporation for the Promotion of Production (CORFO) empowered this company to acquire shares in some companies. That provision could be used to buy shares in all banks. The day that it could have acquired half plus one of those shares without Congress passing a law; the banks would pass into the hands of the state.

CORFO, lacking its true role, dedicated itself to buying shares in all banks. These shares were not even listed on the stock market. They were offered a part in cash and the rest in bonds payable over several years.

The same system of purchase of shares of the banks, began to apply CORFO in the industries. The state was swallowing companies without the need for law.

To the 45 companies that would be nationalized, others were added, not knowing if that amount would be the final one.

But as this was very onerous, an alternative was established: to produce labor disputes that forced businessmen to sell at any price. The CUP (Popular Unity Committee) of the industry workers helped that aim.

All in all, 1971, the first year of the Popular Unity government was prosperous. Everyone earned more, everyone spent more, and lived better.

Chileans were unaware that this feast had a bitter price: they were wasting the reserves accumulated by the country for years.

The procedure used by the Popular Unity to achieve the "redistribution of income"
-according to its representatives- was the uncontrolled issuance of paper money.
This generated a rise in inflation and the appearance of the black market.

To cover the fiscal deficit and the commitments derived from the generous increases in wages and salaries, banknotes began to be printed.

The 1971 emission reached 20,000 million escudos (a million dollars at that time), which represented an increase in the emission of 132.7 percent. But the money printing machine was just working. In the last year of the Popular Unity, it would exceed that figure ten times (216,000 million escudos in eight months).

The political dividend of this artificial bonanza was that Allende, who had obtained 36.3% of the vote, saw his strength increased to 49.5% in the municipal elections. Now he was on an equal ground with the opposition.

Government of Jorge Alessandri (Right): 1958-63 
Government of Eduardo Frei (Christian Democrat): 1964-69
Government of Salvador Allende (Left): 1970-73 

That the economy collapsed, that industries died, that inflation devoured wages and salaries, was part of a strategy destined to reduce to zero that "capitalist society" and in its ruins begin to build the new socialist economy.

Another adverse factor was added: the brain drain began. In the fiscal bodies, in the companies that were nationalized, the professionals and technicians who were not from the Popular Unity were fired or had their lives made impossible, labeling them reactionaries and saboteurs.

Engineers, doctors, biochemists, biologists, civil builders, architects, had to leave Chile.

Eduardo Simián, the engineer who made the first oil spout in Chile, was given forty-eight hours to leave his post. He was immediately hired by Ecuador.

You might be interested in the first part of this article: The Socialist Experience in Chile - Part I

* Information based mainly on the work by Hernan Millas and Emilio Filippi "Anatomy of a Failure".