Growth Projection for Latin America

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has published its growth projections for the year 2023 in Latin America. According to the report, Argentina will experience growth of 0.2%, while Brazil would reach 0.9%. Colombia and Mexico will also record modest growth of 1.0% and 1.8%, respectively. On the other hand, Chile will be the only country in the region that will not grow, with a fall of 1.0%. As for Peru, it is expected to have growth of 2.4%. These numbers are important to markets and investors as they can influence investment decision-making and business planning.

It is important to note that these projections are subject to change based on various economic and political factors. Therefore, it is necessary to continue monitoring the evolution of the economy in the region to make informed decisions.

Chile projects negative growth

When talking about negative growth in a country, it refers to a situation in which the economy of that country is contracting instead of growing. In other words, the country's Gross Domestic Product (GDP) decreases instead of increasing.

This can be the result of several factors, such as a decrease in production, a drop in the demand for goods and services, a drop in foreign investment, among others. Negative growth can have serious consequences for the country's economy, such as the loss of jobs, the decrease in the purchasing power of the population and a decrease in the quality of life.

It is important to note that negative growth is not the same as an economic recession. A recession is defined as two consecutive quarters of negative GDP growth. However, a country can experience negative growth without technically being in recession.

To reverse negative growth, governments can implement economic policies that encourage investment and consumption, as well as measures to increase production and the country's competitiveness. These policies can include tax incentives for companies, training programs for workers, measures to reduce bureaucracy and encourage foreign investment.

In conclusion, negative growth is a worrying situation for any country, as it can have serious economic and social consequences. It is important that governments take measures to reverse this situation and promote sustainable and equitable growth.

The Socialist Experience in Chile (Part III): Hate and violence

The armed preparation started from Allende himself and his personal guard
who had guerrilla and paramilitary training.

One of the first presidential decrees was destined to pardon 43 young people from the extreme left, who were fugitives or prosecuted. Thanks to this presidential pardon, the leaders of the MIR, including a nephew of President Allende, were released and left the underground. Also pardoned was Arturo Rivera Calderón, leader of the ultra VOP group (Vanguardia Organizada del Pueblo), who five months later assassinated former Vice President of the Republic Edmundo Pérez Zujovic, of the Christian Democratic Party.

All those pardoned had participated in robberies of banks, supermarkets and gasoline stations. They called the proceeds of their robberies "expropriation," saying it was to acquire weapons and maintain their movement. The MIR, until the arrival of Allende, was just a small group without much influence.

Allende, when signing the decree, explained that it was "Young Idealists, with whom we had a different tactical appreciation, who acted wrongly, but driven by a higher desire for social transformation."

The MIR paraded through the center of Santiago with their red and black flags intoning their battle cry: People, conscience and rifle, MIR, MIR". 

Police radio patrols were protecting them. Slngµlar paradox, because until a few days before those who paraded were outside the Law.

A novelty was exhibited by the miristas: they carried the flags on long sticks of coligüe, with a steely tip. These sticks, called lynchaks, served as a weapon for Korean guerrillas in the 1950 war.

Later, the miristas would carry two small rods joined at one end and that also served the guerrillas to strangle the enemy. Likewise, the miristas introduced a novelty in the political parades by marching armed with helmets.

Those who saw that first presentation by the extremists had doubts that violence would be eradicated, as President Allende maintained. And he, by calling them "young idealists" went on to grant a visa to the apostles of violence. Soon the troops of the Ramona Parra Brigade, formed by young communists, would be added to the miristas, and who remembered a young woman killed in a fight twenty-five years ago.

The Socialists would form the Elmo Catalán Brigade, in memory of a former secretary of Carlos Altamirano (its top leader) who tragically died in Bolivia, where he had gone to join the guerrillas.

For their part, on the opposite side, the nationals (from the Right) created the Rolando Matus Brigade, in memory of a young farmer murdered by Marxist extremists. And on the extreme right, the Patria y Libertad Movement arose, destined to combat Marxism.

President Allende himself began to have an armed body. This had been born in the days following the elections of September 4th. Wherever he went he did so accompanied by a score of very corpulent individuals who did not hide that they were armed.

These guys rudely prevented anyone from getting close to Allende. Those who tried to do so were repelled with shoves and elbows along with profanity.

* You may also like: 

The Socialist Experience in Chile (Part I): Three years before

The Socialist Experience in Chile (Part II): I am not the President of all Chileans

Communist brigades painted murals and were armed to attack opponents

It had been a tradition that the leaders, and even the former Presidents of the Republic, had protection from the PDI (civilian police) and Carabineros. For this reason, this strange security device made up of individuals with the appearance of gunmen caused comments.

Allende took it upon himself to explain who they were: "This is a group of personal friends of mine, whose loyalty and courage I fully trust."

From that day on they were known as the GAP (Group of Personal Friends).

The GAP were famous for the casual brutality with which they acted.
Wrecked cars demonstrated their action.

Most of its components were Miristas and Socialists. His boss, Max Joel Marambio, who had been trained in Cuba, used the false name of Ariel Fontanarosa.

Marambio specified the duties of the GAP: The bullet that could be directed at the comrade President, must be received by us, and nothing else but us''.

The GAP was equipped with FIAT 125 vehicles and its men equipped with pistols, silenced automatic rifles and machine guns. Cubans, North Koreans and North Vietnamese, experts in guerrilla warfare, were brought in as instructors. They constantly trained on Andean foothills.

Max Joel Marambio, head of the Allende GAP, had organised the personal guard,
made up of militants from the MIR and the Socialist Party, many of them with criminal records

Several residences had Allende. One of them, in El Cañaveral, had a guerrilla training camp, equipped with innumerable weapons of Soviet and Czechoslovak origin. There was even a mined sector there.

In Tomás Moro 200, the presidential residence, and in El Cañaveral, Allende's rest residence, pavilions were built for the GAP, which numbered two hundred men. But, apart from taking care of Allende's personal safety, GAP members went on to become teachers in the guerrilla schools that proliferated in the country. ·

The expression "licensed to kill", attributed to Ian Fleming's fictional character James Bond, seemed to come true with the GAPs. Knowing that they were protected and that they could go almost unpunished, they flaunted their arrogance, especially when they were off duty and out partying. Alfonso Cortés Soto, a member of the Socialist Youth, who left the GAP disappointed, said: "They told me that it was a group of young people who had practically decided to live near comrade Allende, but gradually discovered that those recruited were rude and behaving like a gang of lowly gunmen.

Several residences had Allende. One of them, in Cañaveral, had a guerrilla training camp, equipped with innumerable weapons of Soviet and Czechoslovak origin. There was even a mined sector there.

Allende himself had to decide to reorganize the GAP Headquarters after Justice had to intervene due to the murder of a 17-year-old teenager who worked as a gardener in El Cañaveral and who was killed by one of them. Likewise, it was common for pitched battles to take place between the two sides into which that paramilitary body had been divided.

When a magistrate reconstituted the crime scene of the gardener in the presidential residence, the GAP shot at the bodies of the journalists who approached.

Everything indicated that the purpose announced by Allende in his first press conference, that his revolution would be "with empanadas and red wine (in other words, like the cheerful snack of Chileans on picnics), was vanishing.

The extremist group Vanguardia Organizada del Pueblo (VOP), made up of
socialists with dual militancy, used training targets to sharpen their aim

It did not take long for those pardoned by Allende to renew their violence. The VOP began an escalation of crimes of extreme ferocity: they robbed a candy store, murdered its owner and then abused his body; They robbed a supermarket and killed a Carabinero. All those crimes would go unpunished, until they committed the most heinous political crime.

Furthermore, the violence was in the words. And they would pull the trigger against those considered "counterrevolutionaries."

The newspapers and magazines (those that had proliferated printed in the state workshops and financed with State advertisements), the stations and television in the hands of the Popular Unity distilled a virulence never before known.

The former Vice President of the Republic, Edmundo Perez Zujovic,
was the first victim of the hate campaign initiated by the Popular Unity

Anyone who disagreed, or who had an attitude that displeased the Popular Unity, was a victim of the worst expletives, of coarse language not used in any other newspaper in the world. The most "elegant" thing he was told was "CIA agent, sold to Imperialism."

The Judiciary began to fall into the same anathemas.

When the Supreme Court denied the removal of immunity (he is stripped of his parliamentary jurisdiction and can be prosecuted) of the opposition senator Raúl Morales Adriasola, the socialist deputy Mario Palestro called the Ministers of the Court "pimps, matchmakers and bastards".

The Rivera Calderon brothers were found in a Santiago neighborhood. The police operation
turned into a real hunt, since the police forces had to go up to the roofs of the houses

The favorite target of the UP press was Edmundo Pérez Zujovic. He had been Minister of Frel and Vice President of the Republic. The Christian Democrats considered him a kind of older brother, and admired his moral and human stamp.

As a result of the professional investigation by the police, Eduardo Paredes was forced to order the arrest of the VOP militants implicated in the murder of Edmundo Perez Zujovlc.

The extreme left evidenced his distaste for him, and gave him the fame of "tough" when he was Minister of the Interior and was uncompromising in defending his principles and applied the Law and authority without weakness.

As a result of the professional investigation by the police, Eduardo Paredes was forced
to order the arrest of the VOP militants involved in the murder of Edmundo Pérez Zujovic

He was Minister of the Interior when in Puerto Montt, a thousand kilometers south of Santiago, there was a tragic confrontation between police officers and residents, with a balance of nine victims. A hundred families instigated by the socialist deputy Luis Espinoza (who later acquired a reputation as a violentist) occupied some land and refused to leave.

Although the eviction order came from a provincial authority, which did not consult Santiago, Pérez Zujovic assumed full responsibility. Many times he repeated to those close to him that Puerto Montt "hurt" him, even though he had been oblivious to what happened there.

The UP press daily attributed Pérez Zujovic involvement in some plot or maneuver against the Allende government.

Perez Zujovic and former President Frei were close friends (the Vice President was the godfather
of one of the Chilean president's daughters). Frei was also in the sights of the assassins

The Rivera Calderón brothers were found in a Santiago neighborhood. The police operation turned into a real hunt, since the police forces had to go up to the roofs of the houses.

The VOP placed it on the list of their "rifleables". He had taken up the words of the socialist senator Adonis Sepúlveda, who said when the events in Puerto Montt took place: 'The only responsibility that we socialists recognise is that of not having been able yet to create the necessary organisms to respond bullet by bullet, dead for dead". In the sights of the assassins, came later the former President Frei and the Christian Democratic senators Patricio Aylwin and Juan de Dios Carmona, as was later recognised by a statement by the Political Commission of the PC, in which he condemned the events. It was the Plan Z advance.

And the VOP carried out a treacherous massacre of Edmundo Perez Zujovic. A car cut him off when he had just left his house with one of his daughters. Two men armed with machine guns got out of the vehicle, while the third waited at the wheel. One of the perpetrators, with the butt of the machine gun, smashed the windbreak window of the left door. All in fraction of seconds. Pérez Zujovic and his daughter Maria Angélica did not try anything, not even talk to them so that they would give up or exchange any words. The fear of near death had stopped their lives. The barrel of the machine gun entered the car, Pérez Zujovic lowered his head, it is possible that he muttered a prayer. And he started the barrage of bullets.

                                            

While the detectives run after Ronald Rivera, there are others who wait for the moment to kill the murderer. Paredes wanted to silence him. This happened after several hours of siege

The VOP called the crime "revolutionary shooting."

"We have to kill hate before hate poisons and kills the soul of our Chile," Cardinal Raúl Silva expressed dismay.

Allende told the DC his belief that the assassins belonged to the far right, and that they had committed the crime to harm the UP.

Eduardo "Coco" Paredes was one of the most controversial figures of the Popular Unity regime. He was even accused of being a traitor by modest villagers whom he strongly repressed. When Allende fell he took up arms and confronted the public force; he died in the fray.

"The enemies of the Fatherland stop at nothing," he said.

The Director of Investigations, Eduardo Paredes, went on to contradict him. He revealed to journalists that the crime had been committed by the VOP, headed by the Rivera Calderón brothers. He acknowledged that a month earlier he had interrogated them for their possible participation in various assaults and crimes, leaving them free for lack of merit.

At dawn on Sunday, June 13th (four days after the murder), Paredes himself led the manhunt for the Rivera Calderón brothers, refugees in a tenement house in a modest neighbourhood. In vain the two brothers tried to surrender by raising a white flag. Both were shot to death.

The funerals of former Vice President Perez Zujovic gave rise to moments of deep emotion. Thousands of people accompanied him to his final resting place. Beyond political considerations, they were united in this gesture by a repudiation of the violence and the climate of terror that was prevailing in the country.

Only later would the sordid links between Paredes and the VOP assassins become known. Hence, the Director of Investigations decided to seal that blood pact with their death, to prevent them from speaking.

The culmination of that tragic sequel was missing. Heriberto Salazar, known as "El Viejo", before belonging to the VOP, had been a Carabinero. Paredes' betrayal to the VOP made him decide to exact revenge. He presented himself to the guard at the Investigation Barracks asking to speak with Director Paredes "for a personal matter."

There were inquiries inside and Salazar understood that they would not let him in, or that he would be subject to review. He suddenly pulled out a concealed machine gun and began firing into the barracks, killing three policemen. Lastly, he lit a stick of dynamite and was blown to pieces.

Three Investigations detectives died as a result of the explosion caused by the leader of the VOP, Heriberto Salazar, in the General Mackenna barracks. Salazar was going to "do justice" for the denunciation made by Eduardo Paredes. Detectives Carlos Paez, Mario Marin and Gerardo Romero paid tribute to the double militancy of the Director of Civil Police at the time.

Had Pérez Zujovic's death been planned by Eduardo Paredes himself?

He was one of the strangest characters of the Allende regime. He was a doctor, but he did not practice. He was considered a psychopath. Later he would lead an operation against a Mirista camp, where he would kill a resident and wound several others. And he would also be the central protagonist of the case of the Cuban packages, worthy of a special chapter.

The murder of Edmundo Pérez Zujovic and the evidence that the perpetrators were Marxists, and that they were part of the "young idealists" pardoned by Allende, caused a stir in the country.

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* Information based mainly on the work by Hernan Millas and Emilio Filippi "Anatomy of a Failure".

Hernán Millas was born on May 5th, 1921, and studied Law for a year at the University of Chile, and later devoted himself to journalism. He worked as a reporter and columnist in the newspapers El Clarín and La Época, in the "Ercilla" and "Hoy" magazines, and on the Santiago radio. He also wrote several books. And in 1985 he received the National Prize for Journalism.

Emilio Filippi, University Professor received the National Journalism Award in 1972 with a mention in writing. He began his life in journalism in 1942 working for the newspaper "La voz de la columna" in Villa Alemana, of which he became its director. In 1965, he joined as Zig-Zag's newspaper publishing manager.

He was director of the magazine "Ercilla" between 1968 and 1976. He was the founder and director of the magazine “Hoy” and of the newspaper "La Época'' (1987), which he directed until 1993. Same year that he was ambassador of Chile in Portugal, appointed by President Patricio Aylwin.

La Experiencia Socialista en Chile (Parte I): Tres años antes

Para comprender la gran crisis que se genero en Chile a principios de los años 1970 y que culmino con la intervención militar encabezada por el General Augusto Pinochet y el suicidio de Salvador Allende, es necesario conocer los hechos que antecedieron esta etapa de nuestra historia.

En Septiembre de 1973, Salvador Allende murió. Tres años antes era elegido Presidente de Chile, luego de cuatro intentos.

En 1952 sufrió una amplia derrota en contra de Carlos Ibañez. En 1958 casi lo consiguió y estuvo apenas a 33.000 votos de la victoria. En 1964 Eduardo Frei Montalva lo derroto por 432.000 votos.

                                 

Por eso, en la campaña de 1970 hubo muchos escépticos, desconfiaban en la misma izquierda, no estaban seguros si seria capaz de ganar en otro intento por llegar a la presidencia.

Finalmente y con la condición que gobernara junto a los jefes de partidos de la unidad popular, los partidos de izquierda apoyaron su candidatura. Seria un mandatario sin autonomía de mando.

Sus oponentes en 1970, eran el ex presidente Jorge Alessandri, representando al sector de la derecha, aunque él personalmente rechazaba que lo tildaran de derechista o conservador, prefería que lo asociaran con la eficiencia y la exactitud. En la campaña se destacarían sus rasgos de austeridad, hacia quince años que vivía solo en un antiguo edificio cercano a la Plaza de Armas de Santiago. Lo que podia jugarle en contra seria su avanzada edad, ya que entraría a La Moneda a los 78 años.

El otro rival era Radomiro Tomic, abanderado de la Democracia Cristiana. Su slogan era "ni un paso atrás" en las conquistas logradas con Frei, Presidente en esos días. Con dos candidatos tan opuestos como Alessandri y Allende, el electorado fue polarizándose. Tomic ofrecía un programa similar al de Allende aunque advertía que se harían los cambios en libertad y democracia.

Allende fue un candidato hábil, nunca se presento como marxista, que de triunfar implantaría el marxismo y la dictadura del proletariado. Y la noche del triunfo repetiría: Mi gobierno no sera un gobierno comunista, ni socialista, ni radical; sera el gobierno de las fuerzas que componen la Unidad Popular..."

El programa de Allende constaba de dos partes, una eran "Las Primeras 40 Medidas". Cuarenta promesas que ofrecía al pueblo: Medio litro de leche para cada niño, los escolares veranearían en la casa presidencial de Viña del Mar, los libros y utiles escolares serian gratuitos, nadie pagaría en los hospitales, las viviendas que no fuesen mansiones estarían exentas de contribuciones, todas las personas mayores de 60 años tendrían jubilación aunque no tuviesen prevision social. La historia demostraría que muchas de esas promesas son difíciles de cumplir, pero el nivel educacional de gran parte de los chilenos de esos tiempos, era bastante precario.

Otras medidas contemplaban la nacionalización de la gran minería del cobre y del hierro, los bancos, la compañía de teléfonos, el comercio exterior, las grandes empresas monopólicas. Las enumeraba serian 45. Pero advertía: "Todas estas expropiaciones se harán siempre con pleno resguardo del pequeño accionista; no vamos a despojar a nadie".

Allende en lo humano convencía: "En treinta y dos años de politico me han dicho de todo, menos que he robado o que soy homosexual".

Allende y su relación con el Partido Comunista

Respecto a que el Partido Comunista pudiera dominarlo se recordaban sus viejas disputas con la colectividad. En 1948 comentaba ante el Senado, que los socialistas chilenos que reconocían muchos de los logros de la Rusia Soviética, rechazaban su organización política y muchas leyes que coartaban las libertades individuales... En verdad desde esos tiempos el Partido Socialista se había ido inclinando hacia la extrema izquierda.

El triunfo de un Allende que se declarase marxista, pero que afirmara que haría un gobierno democrático podia ser aceptado por un chileno mas bien tolerante.

El Diario Ilustrado (de tendencia conservadora) publicaba antes de las elecciones: "Es indudable que no queremos para Chile lo que el Frente Popular trajo a España: templos incendiados, conventos profanados, religiosas violadas".

Con ese clima se desarrollaron las elecciones presidenciales del 4 de Septiembre de 1970.

Allende triunfó en las urnas con 1.075.616 votos (el 36,3%). Segundo, resulto Jorge Alessandri con 1.036.278 votos (34,9%) y tercero, Tomic con 824.849 votos (27,8%).

Allende era virtual ganador aunque con una estrechísima primera mayoría relativa. Le ganaba a Alessandri por apenas 39.000 votos (el 1,4%).

El resultado revelaba también que casi los 2/3 del electorado rechazaba una alternativa marxista. Los que votaron por Alessandri y por Tomic (2 de cada 3 chilenos) creían en la democracia.

El proceso electoral todavía no había terminado la Constitución chilena establecía que quedaba ungido como Presidente electo el ciudadano que obtuviera la mitad +1 de los votos. A Allende le faltaba muchísimo: 400.000 votos (el 15,2 %).

Cuando no existe tal mayoría, la Constitución indica el camino: el Congreso pleno (50 Senadores y 150 diputados) tendrá que elegir entre las dos primeras mayorías. En este caso, tenía que ser entre Allende y Alessandri.

Ambos ante el Congreso pleno llegaban en igualdad de condiciones. La Democracia Cristiana durante la campaña electoral había propuesto crear la segunda vuelta, como en Francia. De este modo el Presidente elegido representaría a las grandes mayorías. Sin embargo ni los partidarios de Alessandri ni los de Allende aceptaron esa iniciativa. 

Jorge Alessandri Rodriguez - Presidente de Chile (1958-1964)

De ahí que quedara sobre el Congreso la trascendental responsabilidad de dirimir el pleito. 

Existía una tradición que para los chilenos pesaba mucho. Hasta entonces siempre el Congreso pleno había respetado la primera mayoría. Incluso durante la campaña los tres candidatos repitieron "el que gane por un voto será el presidente". 

Ahora venía el dramático dilema. Los que votaron por Alessandri argumentaron: es cierto que existe esa traición pero fue entre candidatos democráticos; ahora es abrirle las puertas de la moneda al marxismo, siendo una minoría. 

En el Congreso pleno Allende era también una minoría. Contaba apenas con 78 parlamentarios. Mucho menos de la mitad. Si Allende esperaba ser Presidente, necesariamente debía golpear las puertas de la Democracia Cristiana. Ella con sus 75 parlamentarios decidía.

Pero la Unidad Popular despertaba recelos. Allende estaba acompañado de algunos personajes no deseables. ¿Quién podría garantizar que no ocurriera con él lo mismo que sucedió con Fidel Castro, que en Sierra Maestra se proclamaba demócrata, católico y devoto de la virgen ?

En una dramática reunion, la Junta Nacional de la Democracia Cristiana acordó con sus parlamentarios que le darían el voto a Allende en el Congreso pleno, pero siempre que aceptara el cumplimiento de 7 Estatutos de Garantías Democráticas, las cuales serian incorporadas en la Constitución.

El pleno del Congreso elige a Allende como Presidente de Chile. Más tarde, entrevistado por el periodista Regis Debray, Allende reconoció que su aceptación de las garantías había sido solo una táctica para llegar al Gobierno.

Las 7 garantias eran:

- La Constitución aseguraba la libre creación, existencia y desenvolvimiento de los partidos politicos

- Libre acceso a la prensa, radio y television de todas las corrientes en igualdad de condiciones.

- Constitucionalmente se consagraba que la fuerza publica estaría compuesta exclusivamente por las Fuerzas Armadas y Carabineros, y que no se podrían organizar ni milicias populares ni guardias.

- Las Fuerzas Armadas y Carabineros serian instituciones profesionalizadas, jerarquizadas, obedientes y no deliberantes. Se reservaba a los Comandantes en Jefe la facultad plena para el nombramiento de sus subordinados.

- En el Estatuto de Educación se proclamaba que esta seria independiente de toda orientación ideológica oficial.

- Se reiteraba la garantía constitucional que establece el derecho a asociarse, a través de cooperativas o sindicatos, y que se mantendría el derecho a huelga.

- Se modernizaban las garantías constitucionales del derecho de reunion y de libertad personal.

Por primera vez se manifestaba desconfianza hacia quien seria elegido Presidente de la República. 

El Congreso pleno finalmente eligió a Allende Presidente de Chile con 2 tercios de los parlamentarios: 153 votos contra 35 de Alessandri y 7 en blanco. Así es como la Democracia Cristiana le permitió a Allende llegar a la presidencia de Chile.

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Información basada principalmente en la obra de Hernan Millas y Emilio Filippi "Anatomía de un Fracaso".

Hernán Millas nació el 5 de mayo de 1921, y estudió un año de Leyes en la Universidad de Chile, para después dedicarse al periodismo. Trabajó como reportero y columnista en los diarios El Clarín y La Época, en las revistas Ercilla y Hoy, y en la radio Santiago. También escribió varios libros. Y en 1985 recibió el Premio Nacional de Periodismo.

Emilio Filippi, Profesor universitario recibió el Premio Nacional de Periodismo en 1972 con mención en redacción. Inició su vida en el periodismo en 1942 trabajando en el diario “La voz de la columna’’ de Villa Alemana del cual llegó ser su director. En 1965, se incorporó como gerente de publicaciones periodísticas de Zig-Zag.

Fue director de la revista Ercilla entre 1968 y 1976. Fue el  fundador y director de la revista “Hoy’’ y del diario “La Época’’ (1987), que dirigió hasta 1993. Mismo año que fue embajador de Chile en Portugal, nombrado por el Presidente Patricio Aylwin.

The Hindenburg Disaster (1937)

   

Frenchman Henri Giffard constructed the first successful airship in 1852. His hydrogen-filled blimp carried a three-horsepower steam engine that turned a large propeller and flew at a speed of six miles per hour. The rigid airship, often known as the “zeppelin” after the last name of its innovator, Count Ferdinand von Zeppelin, was developed by the Germans in the late 19th century.

Unlike French airships, the German ships had a light framework of metal girders that protected a gas-filled interior. However, like Giffard’s airship, they were lifted by highly flammable hydrogen gas and vulnerable to explosion.

Large enough to carry substantial numbers of passengers, one of the most famous rigid airships was the Graf Zeppelin, a dirigible that traveled around the world in 1929. In the 1930s, the Graf Zeppelin pioneered the first transatlantic air service, leading to the construction of the Hindenburg, a larger passenger airship.

The Hindenburg flying over New York City

On May 3, 1937, the Hindenburg left Frankfurt, Germany, for a journey across the Atlantic to Lakehurst’s Navy Air Base. Stretching 804 feet from stern to bow, it carried 36 passengers and crew of 61. While attempting to moor at Lakehurst, the airship suddenly burst into flames, probably after a spark ignited its hydrogen core.

Rapidly falling 200 feet to the ground, the hull of the airship incinerated within seconds. 13 passengers, 21 crewmen, and 1 civilian member of the ground crew lost their lives, and most of the survivors suffered substantial injuries.

The Hindenburg was a 245-metre- (804-foot-) long airship of conventional zeppelin design that was launched at Friedrichshafen, Germany, in March 1936. It had a maximum speed of 135 km (84 miles) per hour and a cruising speed of 126 km (78 miles) per hour.

Inside view of the Hindenburg

Though it was designed to be filled with helium gas, the airship was filled with highly flammable hydrogen because of export restrictions by the United States against Nazi Germany. In 1936 the Hindenburg inaugurated commercial air service across the North Atlantic by carrying 1,002 passengers on 10 scheduled round trips between Germany and the United States.

On May 6, 1937, while landing at Lakehurst, New Jersey, on the second of its scheduled 1937 transatlantic crossings, the Hindenburg burst into flames and was completely destroyed. Of the 97 persons aboard, 35 were killed. One member of the ground crew also perished.

The fire was officially attributed to a discharge of atmospheric electricity in the vicinity of a hydrogen gas leak from the airship, though it was speculated that the dirigible had been the victim of an anti-Nazi act of sabotage. The Hindenburg disaster, which was recorded on film and on phonograph disc, marked the end of the use of rigid airships in commercial air transportation.

Strike of truckers continues in Bio Bio region (South of Chile)

 

The demonstrations of the truckers continue, mainly on routes 5 South (which includes the Santiago-Concepcion section) and 160. It should be noted that yesterday afternoon the representatives of the truckers met with government delegates in search of reaching an agreement and be able to finish strike. However, during the night the truckers reported that they would not end the strike until the armed forces guard the highway.

In relation to the same topic, please note news from a local newspaper:

Despite the fact that five groups of truckers accepted an agreement with the government, to put an end to the mobilizations that the unions maintained due to the latest attacks that cargo drivers have suffered in the South Macrozone; this Friday some truckers continue on strike.

The presidential delegate of Biobío, Daniela Dresdner, had indicated on Thursday afternoon that “we have reached an agreement with the different organizations with which we began to talk since Sunday. Today we are reaching this agreement that will allow us to advance in the solutions to the underlying problems, which are the security problems, but also to ensure some conditions for the families and for all the people who are and have been in danger”.

However, a group of transporters maintain the mobilizations and as a result Route 5 (main Chilean highway) is cut off at Duqueco (Los Angeles, Bío Bío Region) with a path enabled in each direction of Route 5 for the transit of minor vehicles, small trucks, buses and transportation of essential goods in general.

Specifically, the transporters indicated that they have a condition to stop the mobilizations on the routes: while the constitutional reform that would allow an intermediate state is worked on and enacted, they request that the State of Constitutional Exception be resumed in the area to allow the presence of the Armed Forces as a result of the acts of violence.

In this regard, the president of the Federation of Freight Transport Workers, Eriberto López, mentioned that "in the document -in its first paragraph- it never speaks of an agreement, it speaks of proposals, but here today to get out of this, while the enactment of the law, we came out with a State of Constitutional Exception and it will depend on their speed so that this State of Constitutional Exception lasts as little as possible”.

"The State of Constitutional Exception is the necessary guarantee that would be needed to finish the strike," López said.

In addition, the leader added that "this is still an intermediate state because according to our vision and according to the vision that the country has, a State of Siege should be decreed in the area of ​​the forest macrozone."

In a public statement, the Federation of Transport and Forest Unions (Fetracarfor) expressed “absolute distrust of the political class in this country. Permanently, all sectors have shown their indolence and little will to solve the problem of violence that affects the workers and families of the southern macro zone”.

In the letter, the carriers added that they feel "helpless and completely abandoned by the authorities."

Terrorist attack in the South Macrozone

In the statement, the union warns that, if "the State of Exception is not implemented immediately in the southern macrozone and the Province of Arauco", they will remain mobilized on the routes.

The National Confederation of Truck Owners of Chile (CNDC), reported that this day they will hold a "Regional Meeting of Truckers" in the city of Concepción, where they will discuss the agreement reached with the government.

Through a statement, published this morning on its twitter account, the union announced that the agreement seems to them an "advance" but they assure that "there is a lack of law that protects highways and works."

Regarding the creation of the intermediate states, the Minister of the Interior, Izkia Siches, assured this morning that "we have been analysing different measures to be able to advance in the protection of the roads, as well as the support of our Armed Forces."

And in that sense, she affirmed that a project is being prepared to replace the one that is already in a mixed commission, with different characteristics from the critical infrastructure project presented during the previous administration.

On this, from the Fetracarfor union, they described as "insufficient the constitutional proposal of an intermediate state, since we will not know how long this will be processed in Congress and if in the future it will prevent us from freely demonstrating on the highways of the south", they wrote in a statement.

Source: La Tercera