Mechanisms of Constitutional Change in the World

The international experience of the constituent processes shows different mechanisms that have been used for the elaboration of Constitutions, depending on the political circumstances, the political institutional traditions of each country and also on the mechanisms that the same current Constitutions contemplate for said process.

The different mechanisms that have been used worldwide for the discussion and drafting of a new constitutional text are described below.

1) Legislative Power, this name is used to refer to those cases in which the main body in charge of preparing and approving the new constitutional text is the congress or parliament. Parliamentarians can participate in their entirety (Brazil 1988, El Salvador 1992, Korea 1987) or a special commission of parliamentarians can be formed to draft it. The countries that have done so under this last procedure are: Bolivia in 1994, Nicaragua 1995, Angola 2010, Croatia 2000, Greece 1975, Poland 1997, Czech Republic 1993.

2) Constituent Assembly or National Constituent Assembly, is a collegiate body made up of a group of citizens elected by popular vote to exclusively discuss and design a new text and constitutional order and not to exercise legislative powers.

In recent times, the trend has been that the constitutional texts decided and approved by constituent assemblies have been ratified by the citizens through a referendum.

It is the longest way because previously a consultation is needed to decide who are its members and, later, another to approve the text. However, the process has the support of the population, in times of change.

Once they have prepared their work and the constitution enters into force, after approval, their election is without effect and in charge of the legislative power constituted in the last election.

National Congress building, located in the city of Valparaiso, Chile

3) Constituent Commission or Commission of Experts. This type of mechanism refers to those cases in which the institution in charge of the discussion of the contents and the elaboration of the new constitutional text corresponds to a group of experts and persons considered notable in a given society, which generally includes lawyers and / or other professionals related to the area of ​​constitutional law or social sciences.

These could be national and / or foreign experts, and even members of different branches of the State. Unlike the Constituent Assembly, the commission is made up of people appointed and not elected by popular vote.

That designation is usually made by the executive power. The constituent or expert commission is given the power to discuss the contents of the new fundamental carta and the preparation of the text thereof, which must then be ratified, either by the authority or bodies that appointed it, by the legislative power, by the citizens through a plebiscite or referendum, or by more than one of them.

Constitutions synthesize rules and norms that order the social and political coexistence of a community. Until recently, legal theory stated that the longevity of these normative bodies was an essential characteristic of democratic societies, however, comparative studies from the social sciences show that total changes to constitutions occur much more frequently than anticipated.

In fact, between 1947 and 1989, 139 countries wrote new constitutions, while 100 countries did so between 1990 and 2015; And although there are centuries-old constitutional texts, the average longevity of a constitution is only 19 years when we evaluate the behavior of the group of countries in all regions of the planet (Ginsburg, Melton and Elkins, 2010).

 

Furthermore, while in much of the twentieth century the total constitutional changes were linked almost exclusively to changes in the political regime as a result of civil wars, foreign interventions, popular uprisings or institutional collapse, today the number of democracies that decide to promote processes of constitutional change without this being linked to a change of regime (as in the cases of Iceland and Colombia).

Of the 95 constituent processes analyzed between 1947 and 2015, in 25 cases (26%) a constituent assembly was elected to draft the new constitutional text, in 20 (21%) the parliament in office was appointed, in another 9 (10%) a Congress was elected with a specific constituent mandate, in 34 cases (36%) the responsibility was handed over to a commission of experts, and finally 4 (4%) used other mechanisms and in three cases no data was available (3%) .

When we analyze the changes that have been occurring over time, we see that the prevalence of the different mechanisms has changed according to the periods. While between 1947 and 1965 the most used mechanism was the constituent assembly, between 1966 to 1999 expert commissions were used with greater frequency.

In this decade, the constituent assemblies have once again become the predominant mechanism for promoting constitutional changes; used in 7 of the 17 countries that have changed their constitutions between 2000 and 2015.

In relation to the constituent assemblies, it is observed that there is no single model. However, in all the cases analyzed it is a representative institution, similar to a parliament, but which differs from the latter in that it has a specific constituent mandate.

The cases of constituent assemblies analyzed have on average a total of 195 members, with 1 representative for every 250 thousand inhabitants.

Factors to consider in the election of a Constituent Assembly in Chile

As you may know, today (Oct.25th, 2020) in Chile there is a vote to approve or reject the drafting of a new Constitution, which would replace the one created in 1980 under the Military Government of President Augusto Pinochet.

It will also be chosen between two options of bodies that can draft it, a Mixed Constitutional Convention (made up of 50% of parliamentarians and 50% of citizens elected by popular vote) and a Constitutional Convention (made up of 100% of members elected by popular vote).

The risk of the creation of a constituent assembly, similar to the one formed in countries like Venezuela, is that being a body with binding powers, it could make major changes to the laws and institutions in force based only on a circumstantial majority.

CADEM survey conducted between October 9th and 11th, 2019

Without considering that the social demands observed in the massive demonstrations of October 2019, had more to do with improving pensions, education, health, work or attacking crime, rather than making changes or drafting a new Constitution.

The call for a Constituent Assembly at a time of social tension may not be very appropriate. On the other hand, those who promote it with the greatest emphasis (Communist Party and Broad Front) belong to a sector with minimal national representation and with objectives far removed from the interest of citizens.

Until the moment of publishing this article, great interest in attending to vote has been seen in the Chilean population, we hope that the results will serve to appease the spirits of the most radical sectors and carry out the reforms that are needed and thus improve the model which has allowed us to grow in the last decades.

 

Data from the document: Mechanisms of constitutional change in the world - United Nations Development Program (UNDP)

Crisis in Chile: What has changed after a year of social protests ?

Social protests October 2019

Different experts estimated that the Chilean social outbreak was in a "pause" while the country was in quarantine, with the possibility that the protests would be reactivated if the political class did not openly condemn the episodes of violence.

  

It has been 12 months since one of the biggest political-social crises in the history of Chile began. On the political spectrum, the center-right government of Sebastián Piñera has sought to appease the demands of the citizenry with his proposals, including a reform of the Chilean pension system (the so-called AFPs, private system), to which a new Fund of Collective and Solidarity Savings would be added, of a state nature, among other novelties.

For their part, both the ruling party and the opposition continue to campaign for and against a new Constitution, which will be decided in a referendum to be held on October 25th. Despite the fact that an agreement was reached to draw up a new Magna Carta, both political sectors do not seem to have the support of the public, who are crying out for structural changes in the system.

There is no consensual diagnosis of the causes of this social outbreak, nor of its solutions.

La Moneda - Government Palace

Neither the government nor the opposition have a very clear understanding of this phenomenon. An attempt has been made to advance in this, the political world promoted a new Constitution, but the violence continued in the streets for several months before the pandemic, so it is not known if this will be solved.

On the other hand, the Government has tried to increase social spending, improve pensions, give aid bonds and that has not reassured the people either.

The president of Chile, Sebastián Piñera, as well as the Congress have a very poor approval of the citizenship according to the latest polls, mainly due to some corruption scandals, crisis of representation and a tiredness of the political parties that were one of the main reasons for this crossroads.

Although the Chilean social outbreak began with many adherents in the streets throughout the country, as the weeks went by, the protests lost intensity and this was reflected in a drop in the number of people attending the marches, as well as in the rejection of events of extreme violence.

* You might be interested in:

https://csachannel.blogspot.com/2019/10/the-riots-that-shook-chile.html

Ray Donovan - The fixer (2013-2020)

Blog Rating: 9.15 out of 10

Ray Donovan is a professional "problem solver". His job is to sort things out when they get tough for the rich and famous in Los Angeles.

Jon Voight

But when his father Mickey Donovan (Golden Globe winner Jon Voight), an Irish gangster, is released from jail, Ray himself has a problem. Mickey not only wants revenge but he also wants his family back.

Eddie Marsan

The glow of the bright world of Los Angeles is deceptive, because while Ray solves other people's problems, his family has more than enough of his own.

Dash Mihok

Starting with his brother Terry (Eddie Marsan), who suffers from some form of Parkinson's, his second brother Bunchy (Dash Mihok), who still suffers from childhood sexual abuse, and his wife, Abby (Paula Malcomson), who is sick of her husband's secrets. All with very diverse roles but with a brilliant and solid performance.

Paula Malcomson

Liev Schrieber is fantastic in the title role, a dark, violent man under constant stress who protects and cares for those he loves, while at the same time projects an aura of violence and danger to those who cross his path.

In short a very good action drama.

Liev Schreiber

Prison Break - A very well crafted story (2005-2017)

Blog Rating: 9.20 out of 10

This suspenseful action series takes place after Lincoln Burrows is wrongly accused of murder and sent to prison. This will cause Michael Scofield to provoke his arrest by committing an armed robbery to come to the aid of his brother Lincoln.

Dominic Purcell  (Lincoln Burrows)

Burrows is convicted of a murder he did not commit, and is now awaiting execution at Fox River Prison. Michael, his only brother, will do anything to free him.

Michael Scofield is an extremely intelligent, extremely motivated and exceptionally resourceful man. He has stealthily hidden the blueprints and other useful information in his body as a series of elaborate tattoos that reveal his true meaning only to Michael himself.

Wentworth Miller (Michael Scofield)

Once inside, Michael, a structural engineer, begins to execute an elaborate plan to get Lincoln out and prove he is innocent.

As Scofield's plan is put into motion, he must deal with a wide range of inmates, guards, and other characters, all of whom have their own motives and roles to play in the escape.

Sarah Wayne Callies (Sara Tancredi)

In prison, Michael befriends Dr. Sara Tancredi when he pretends to suffer from type 1 diabetes so that he can access the prison infirmary on a daily basis.

Dr. Tancredi begins to fall in love with Scofield, both romantically and because of his lies and deceptions as to why he should visit the infirmary regularly.

Prison Break - Instagram


Each character is extremely well written and acted. Rarely has a show been put together as perfectly as this. A highly recommended series.

Borgen (2010 - 2013)

 Blog Rating: 8.5 out of 10

This political drama begins by recounting the negotiations that the moderate party candidate Birgitte Nyborg must carry out in the Danish parliamentary elections.

As the episodes unfold, it is possible to appreciate the skills that this politician of strong moral convictions demonstrates and that manages to enchant the voters.

Sidse Babett Knudsen as Birgitte Nyborg

Birgitte must exercise her position relying only on a fragile coalition and at the same time, live her family life.

As she advances in her political career, she will have to deal not only with her adversaries but also with her partners and advisers.

Birgitte Hjort Sorensen as Katrine Fonsmark

The various government projects will consume her to the point that she will end up passing the bill on her personal life as well.

It is also possible to appreciate a strong relationship between the government and the press, who use each other to communicate or manipulate reality according to their own interests.

Pilou Asbaek as Kasper Juul 

"Borgen" accomplishes the amazing feat of turning politics into exciting television entertainment.

The mixture of politics, media circus and family drama is staged and transmitted in a very good way.

A captivating series, well produced, with good actors and stimulating for neurons.

In Danish "Borgen" means "The Castle", which is the informal name of Christiansborg Palace
 where all three branches of Danish government reside: the Parliament, the Prime Minister's
Office, and the Supreme Court, and is often used as a figure of speech for the Danish 
government.

Michelle Bachelet denounced that the Nicolás Maduro regime murdered more than 2,000 people between January and August of this year

The president of Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro, walks with his wife, Cilia Flores; the Minister of
Defense, Vladimir Padrino López, and the head of the Strategic Operational Command of the
Armed Forces, Remigio Ceballos. The dictator and the military are identified by the UN as
responsible for crimes against humanity in Venezuela (Reuters)

Venezuela. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights presented an update on her report on the situation in Venezuela and noted that there are "high numbers of deaths of young people in marginalized neighborhoods as a result of security operations"

“I am concerned about the high numbers of deaths of young people in marginalized neighborhoods as a result of security operations. My office registered 711 deaths from June to August, reaching more than 2,000 deaths since January 2020, ”Bachelet told the Human Rights Council.

Michelle Bachelet - UN High Commissioner for Human Rights

She then said that her office continues to document cases of repression in peaceful protests in Venezuela, under the "state of alarm", including arrests and deaths of protesters. "In Venezuela, restrictions on freedom of expression, the application of the Hate Law, attacks on defenders and journalists continue," he stressed.

She also denounced her concern about the stigmatizing speeches of the country's authorities, which hold those who return responsible for introducing the coronavirus into Venezuelan territory. "33% of the deaths from COVID-19 in Venezuela have been of health personnel, mainly due to the lack of protective equipment and water," she denounced.

Finally, she argued that the pandemic was added to other pre-existing emergencies, such as food. She said that the rate of acute malnutrition in children is around 15% and that some stop eating so that another family member can do so.

This update came after an International Mission commissioned by the UN to investigate the human rights situation in Venezuela once again focused on the brutality of the Venezuelan regime.

In the 21 pages, the dictator Nicolás Maduro and her defense ministers, Vladimir Padrino López; and from the Interior, Néstor Reverol, as leading figures in serious crimes committed by the country's security forces. The report offers extensive information "that shows that the State authorities -both at the presidential and ministerial levels- exercised power and supervision over the civil and military security forces, and the agencies identified as perpetrators of the violations and documented crimes."

The Mission found numerous acts of torture. In a list, she identified the nine techniques of the Chavista forces to hurt political prisoners:

- Heavy beatings.

- Suffocation with toxic substances and water.

- Stress positions.

- Prolonged confinement in solitary confinement under harsh conditions.

- Sexual and gender-based violence, including forced nudity and rape.

- Cuts and mutilations.

- Electric shocks.

- Use of drugs to induce confession.

- Psychological torture.

The report offers extensive information "that shows that the State authorities - both at the presidential and ministerial levels - exercised power and supervision over the civilian and military security forces, and the agencies identified as perpetrators of the documented violations and crimes."

“Some of these acts caused serious and / or permanent physical injury. This included the loss of sensory or motor functions, reproductive injuries, abortions, blood in the urine and broken ribs ”, explains the UN mission. The horrors of the Maduro regime, they add, also led to severe psychological trauma and depression.

In three cases investigated by the Mission, the DGCIM perpetrated acts of sexual or gender-based violence against the soldiers detained during interrogations to degrade, humiliate or punish them. “DGCIM officials of both sexes subjected people to forced nudity, sometimes for days. The male guards threatened to rape detainees with sharp objects, mainly sticks and bats, and in one case they raped a detainee. Electric shocks and blows were administered, even to the testicles ”, he details.

After the report was released, the president in charge of Venezuela, Juan Guaidó, called on those who still recognize Maduro as a Venezuelan authority. “The UN Report puts Maduro at the level of the atrocious crimes committed by Gaddafi. No one can have any doubt at this time that there is a criminal regime in Venezuela, "he declared.

Source: Infobae

Enola Holmes (2020)

 Blog Rating: 7.35 out of 10

This film that is based on the book series "The Enola Holmes Mysteries" by Nancy Springer, is an entertaining adventure narrative set at the end of the 19th century. Where its protagonist (Millie Bobby Brown) shows all her talent and charisma, in a charming character who also happens to be the younger sister of the famous private investigator Sherlock Holmes.

Louis Partridge as Tewkesbury

In order to discover the reason for the mysterious disappearance of her mother, Enola, the youngest of the Holmes brothers, travels to London, where she is also investigating the dangerous conspiracy against a young marquis.

Henry Cavill as Sherlock Holmes

Enola Holmes mixes the mystery genre with comedy. The photography is excellent, in addition to highlighting the costumes and sets. The feminist side is exploited but in a subtle way that does not bother and serves to highlight the heroic spirit of the young protagonist.

Millie Bobby Brown as Enola Holmes

In conclusion, Enola Holmes has the potential to generate a new successful saga or television series, suitable for a young audience, seeking action, comedy and suspense.

Genre: Adventure, mystery

Country: United Kingdom

Director: Harry Bradbeer

Script: Jack Thorne

Cast: Millie Bobby Brown, Henry Cavill, Sam Claflin, Helena Bonham Carter, Fiona Shaw, Adeel Akhtar, Louis Partridge, Susan Wokoma, Burn Gorman, Jay Simpson

Duration: 123 minutes

The History of Rock - The 50's

The date most commonly accepted as the creation of rock and roll is the release of the song ("We're Gonna") Rock Around The Clock "by Bill Haley and The Comets, on April 12th 1954, although dozens of previous recordings already presented one or another characteristic of what would come to be known as rock and roll.

Bill Halley - "We're gonna rock around the clock"🎵

Bill Haley

The dream of finding a white capable of singing like a black had been made by record producer Sam Phillips, from a small record company called Sun Records.

At the beginning of his career with the single "That's All Right" and "Blue Moon of Kentucky", then followed by "Good Rockin 'Tonight" and "I Do not Care If The Sun Don't Shine", few could believe that the Elvis Presley who was listening on the radio was a young white man. Obviously it seemed healthier to conservative and racist society accept that kind of music from a young handsome man.

Elvis Presley

Although it was created a year before, rock and roll would only come to explode definitively in 1955, largely influenced by the inclusion of "Rock Around The Clock" as opening music for the movie "Blackboard Jungle" (Seeds of Violence) about tumultuous relationships between students and teachers (an analogy to something much broader, the relationship between the establishment and the desire for change).

                                                      

Obviously the new type of music quickly became associated with the degeneration of youth, which made their fascination even greater, in an irresistible vicious cycle. And when everyone thought that nothing worse could influence American youth on such a large scale, there appears a black man, Chuck Berry, who climbs the charts with a version for the country hit "Ida Red".

Chuck Berry

Although he never got the title that could have recognized him as king of rock (usurped by white Elvis) his importance was never discussed.

Then a second black singer, Little Richard, would appear in the lists, although he was a little effeminate, with an exotic hairstyle and would sing what would become forever the best known song of rock and roll "Tutti Frutti".

Little Richard

In 1956, Elvis Presley consolidated his success with new songs such as "Heartbreak Hotel" and "Blue Suede Shoes". As a pianist, the singer who would try to match the success of Elvis, Jerry Lee Lewis, would appear in a short time.

Jerry Lee Lewis

With a slightly different sound, more marked by the black music of origin, mainly gospel, began to appear the talent of James Brown with the almost soul "Please Please Please".

James Brown

In the meantime, the entrepreneur Tom Parker took advantage of Elvis' talent also in the cinema in the movie "The Reno Brothers", later renamed "Love Me Tender" by virtue of the great success of the song. Meanwhile, in England and with some delay, the film Blackboard Jungle took rock and roll to the United Kingdom.

With the mandatory enlistment of Elvis Presley in the armed forces in 1957, the end of rock and roll was announced for the first time. After all, what would be in this rhythm that could make it more durable than so many others like the cha-cha-cha, the rumba or the mambo?

With the entry of Elvis into the armed forces, Jerry Lee Lewis was the natural candidate for his position, rebellious, charismatic and white. "Great Balls Of Fire" quickly became the success of the year 1958.

In the case of Chuck Berry, he released two of the greatest rock classics of all time, "Sweet Little Sixteen" and "Johnny B.Goode". The cute and romantic rock in turn reacts with "All I Have To Do" by the Everly Brothers and James Brown launches his first big hit, "Try Me".

The Everly Brothers

* Also you might be interested: The History of Rock - The Beginnings 

https://csachannel.blogspot.com/2019/03/the-history-of-rock.html

The Socialist Experience in Chile (Part II): I am not the President of all Chileans

The first weeks of the Popular Unity government had the euphoria of the new, shocking announcements and emotional phrases.

Everything seemed to start well, in his first press conference as Head of State, Allende stated: "I am not in this position to perform miracles, I am in this position to teach people to work on the basis of planning their economy and contributing their sacrifice and heroism in daily effort ".

In a massive act held at the National Stadium, Allende stated: "I make the phrase of Fidel Castro my own, in this government you can put your feet, but never your hands. I will be inflexible in the custody of the morality of the regime."

Interior Minister José Toha announced that the Mobile Group of Carabineros had been dissolved, as part of the 40 measures promised. Posters during the campaign featured pictures of police beating women and students.

The decree stipulated that the troops of the disappeared Mobile Group would become members of the Prefecture of Special Services. Toha told reporters: "We are sure that the policies of the popular government will make unnecessary the existence of police groups that have to confront the population.

Months later it would be the same staff of the former Mobile Group (now the Prefecture of Special Services) which, following orders, would arrive equipped with gas masks and shields to dissolve demonstrations using luma batons and tear gas.

On the other hand, children from a distant northern mountain school who had never seen the sea before, would spend two weeks in the Presidential Palace in the city of Viña del Mar.

Allende expressed his displeasure that some union leaders came to La Moneda and treated him as "Excellence." Then I declare: I am not just another president, but rather I am the first president of a popular, national and revolutionary government that opens the way to socialism. Furthermore, I am not His Excellency the President of the Republic, but rather I am the Comrade President.

In all official correspondence the expression "sir" was deleted and replaced by "comrade". Imperceptibly there was discrimination between those who could be called "comrade" and those who were "sir." Thus, little by little the Popular Unity was dividing the Chileans into two groups that would become irreconcilable: those who belonged to the Popular Unity and those who were not. The "comrades" and the "sirs".

Three months after starting his mandate, Allende declared in Valparaíso: "I am not the president of the socialist party, I am the president of the Popular Unity. Nor am I the president of all Chileans. I am not the hypocrite who says it, no. I am not. I am not the president of all Chileans.

But it was not these words that made the most bitter impression. In an interview made by the French Marxist ideologue Regis Debray and which was reproduced by the Mirista (MIR - Revolutionary Left Movement) and pro-Castro magazine Punto Final. He asked him how he had accepted the Statute of Constitutional Guarantees. Allende's response was: I accepted it as a tactical necessity to assume power. The important thing at that time was to take over the government.

His words reflected a certain political cynicism. He had accepted the statute as an indispensable requirement to obtain the presidency. He had never intended to comply.

Chilean families saw the ghost of hunger arise. Grocery stores were empty
 and modest people lined up in vain to try to get what they needed to eat.

Other events began to reveal a new phase in Allende's personality. The politician who reached the presidency was forced to do what Popular Unity determined. This was made up of 6 collectives, but there were only two strong parties: the Socialist and the Communist, which looked aggressive, although from the outside they affirmed their granite revolutionary unity.

A Senator from the Popular Unity (Alberto Jerez, from the Christian Left) confided that on one occasion he could not help but express his bitterness for the stubborn and harsh way in which socialists and communists wanted to impose their points of view on Allende. He interrupted the Popular Unity meeting in La Moneda shouting: Do you want to tell me who the hell is the President of the republic and is in charge here?

This resulted in several spectacular announcements made by Allende that were subsequently not carried out.

The total shortage of products was a reflection of reality, the economic
 chaos was suffocating Chile, while inflation grew at an impressive rate.

On December 30th, 1970, Allende spoke on the national radio and television network announcing: "Within eight days I will send a bill to Congress to nationalize all the banks."

The initiative never reached parliament.

The legal loopholes were beginning. Every law had an escape door.

With a legal subterfuge, CORFO bought the titles of the private shareholders
and the commercial banks were passed to the State. The Popular Unity
parties installed Managers and Directors in their administration.

Hence, with the current "bourgeois laws" Popular Unity could gradually establish socialism in Chile, stepping on tiptoe to prevent the jealous constitutionalists from giving the cry of alert.

In the case of the banks, why go to Congress where the Popular Unity did not have a majority? It is true that the Christian Democracy had expressed its approval, but it also spoke of banks as worker companies.

The best thing was to nationalize them all without consulting Congress. How? The law that created the Corporation for the Promotion of Production (CORFO) empowered this company to acquire shares in some companies. That provision could be used to buy shares in all banks. The day that it could have acquired half plus one of those shares without Congress passing a law; the banks would pass into the hands of the state.

CORFO, lacking its true role, dedicated itself to buying shares in all banks. These shares were not even listed on the stock market. They were offered a part in cash and the rest in bonds payable over several years.

The same system of purchase of shares of the banks, began to apply CORFO in the industries. The state was swallowing companies without the need for law.

To the 45 companies that would be nationalized, others were added, not knowing if that amount would be the final one.

But as this was very onerous, an alternative was established: to produce labor disputes that forced businessmen to sell at any price. The CUP (Popular Unity Committee) of the industry workers helped that aim.

All in all, 1971, the first year of the Popular Unity government was prosperous. Everyone earned more, everyone spent more, and lived better.

Chileans were unaware that this feast had a bitter price: they were wasting the reserves accumulated by the country for years.

The procedure used by the Popular Unity to achieve the "redistribution of income"
-according to its representatives- was the uncontrolled issuance of paper money.
This generated a rise in inflation and the appearance of the black market.

To cover the fiscal deficit and the commitments derived from the generous increases in wages and salaries, banknotes began to be printed.

The 1971 emission reached 20,000 million escudos (a million dollars at that time), which represented an increase in the emission of 132.7 percent. But the money printing machine was just working. In the last year of the Popular Unity, it would exceed that figure ten times (216,000 million escudos in eight months).

The political dividend of this artificial bonanza was that Allende, who had obtained 36.3% of the vote, saw his strength increased to 49.5% in the municipal elections. Now he was on an equal ground with the opposition.

Government of Jorge Alessandri (Right): 1958-63 
Government of Eduardo Frei (Christian Democrat): 1964-69
Government of Salvador Allende (Left): 1970-73 

That the economy collapsed, that industries died, that inflation devoured wages and salaries, was part of a strategy destined to reduce to zero that "capitalist society" and in its ruins begin to build the new socialist economy.

Another adverse factor was added: the brain drain began. In the fiscal bodies, in the companies that were nationalized, the professionals and technicians who were not from the Popular Unity were fired or had their lives made impossible, labeling them reactionaries and saboteurs.

Engineers, doctors, biochemists, biologists, civil builders, architects, had to leave Chile.

Eduardo Simián, the engineer who made the first oil spout in Chile, was given forty-eight hours to leave his post. He was immediately hired by Ecuador.

You might be interested in the first part of this article: The Socialist Experience in Chile - Part I

* Information based mainly on the work by Hernan Millas and Emilio Filippi "Anatomy of a Failure".